Overview of human rights abuses and violations against India’s religious minorities from 1 December, 2023, to 10 February, 2024.
Key figures (1 December, 2023, to 10 February, 2024):
State Actors
3
Muslims killed by Army personnel in Jammu & Kashmir; 22 more severely tortured.
6
Muslim protesters shot dead in Uttarakhand by police forces. 1 more killed in alleged staged ‘encounter’ in Uttar Pradesh.
100+
Muslims arrested/detained and tortured across India on various pretexts.
19+
Christians arrested under anti-conversion laws.
10
instances of elected BJP leaders engaging in top-level or intermediate-level incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence against minorities.
60+
Muslim-owned homes and businesses arbitrarily demolished in punitive reprisals by authorities
NON-STATE ACTORS
18
killed in continuing ethnic violence in Manipur.
6
Muslims and 1 Hindu killed by suspected Hindu extremists in other contexts across India.
8
states where the Ram Temple consecration ceremony sparked anti-Muslim violence.
100+
Christian Adivasis forcibly displaced in Chhattisgarh
During the period under review, India’s ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured electoral victories in three crucial provinces, ahead of national-level elections scheduled to commence in April, 2024. Against this backdrop, the conditions for India’s religious minorities, particularly Muslims and Christians, witnessed further deterioration.
- Major reported human rights violations and abuses included extrajudicial killings, widespread arbitrary detentions and custodial torture, and the advocacy of religious hatred amounting to incitement. Alongside, the BJP intensified its targeting of critics – including opposition leaders, journalists, and HRDs – ahead of national elections.
- The conditions for religious freedom for minorities continued to be dire. In Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, Prime Minister Narendra Modi presided over the consecration ceremony of a Hindu temple at the site of a historical mosque that had previously been razed by Hindu zealots, setting the tone for the upcoming election campaign, and further cementing the Hindu majoritarian-supremacist turn India has taken under the BJP. Court orders appeared to be paving the way for the Hindu nationalist takeover of even more historical mosques. The ceremony in Ayodhya was only one of several pretexts used by Hindu extremist groups with close links to the BJP to continue to harass, intimidate, assault, and kill religious minorities across the country. Muslim and Christian individuals, homes, businesses, and places of worship continued to be indiscriminately targeted with impunity. And in BJP-ruled states, instead of acting against the perpetrators of violence, authorities continued criminalising Muslims and subjecting them to collective punishment, particularly using arbitrary demolitions of their homes and businesses, as well as arbitrary detentions.
- The use of hateful and incendiary rhetoricagainst minorities by powerful political and religious leadersappeared to be reaching a fever pitch ahead of the elections. We documented 10 instances of senior, elected leaders of the BJP making open calls to boycott, harass, assault, or kill Muslims, and around 115 more instances of other popular leaders making similar speeches in physical settings. 90% of these speeches were made in BJP-ruled states, and invited little to no response from authorities. On multiple occasions, as in Mumbai, these speeches resulted in near-immediate violence against minorities.
- Dalits, the historically marginalised members of the lowest rung of the Indian caste system, too continued to face systemic violence from ‘higher’ caste Hindu extremists across the country.
- Against this backdrop, India’s domestic mechanisms continued to largely fail to ensure effective remedy and accountability, with state institutions and the judicial process remaining skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities.
- Some international institutions and experts took action to raise alarm about the deteriorating situation in India: the European Parliament adopted a resolution expressing concern over ‘acts of violence, increasing nationalistic rhetoric and divisive policies’ in India, specifically highlighting the worrying situations in Manipur and Kashmir. Human Rights Watch, in its annual review of 2023, noted:
“The BJP government’s discriminatory and divisive policies have led to increased violence against minorities, creating a pervasive environment of fear and a chilling effect on government critics. Instead of holding those responsible for abuses to account, the authorities chose to punish the victims, and persecuted anyone who questioned these actions.”
- The Indian government appeared unrelenting in the face of such criticism, and in fact appeared to be increasingly emboldened to engage in transnational repression: The Washington Post uncovered an organised disinformation operation to target PM Modi’s critics abroad, allegedly run by Indian intelligence agencies. And the US Department of Justice accused a senior Indian government official of overseeing an assassination plot, similar to accusations made by Canada last year.
The period under review was marked by mass detentions of Muslims on multiple pretexts: in January, Muslims and government critics were arrested across the country amid the consecration of the newly-constructed Ram Temple at the site of the illegally destroyed Babri mosque in Ayodhya (see sections on Torture and Freedom of Religion), which sparked anti-Muslim violence in multiple states. In February, mass arrests of Muslims were reported in BJP-ruled Uttarakhand amid protests against the demolition of a mosque by local authorities (also see section on Deprivation of Life). Christians too continued to be arrested in BJP-ruled states, on charges of unlawful religious conversions.
Hundreds of Muslims arrested or detained across the country on various pretexts
Muslims across the country continued to be arbitrarily detained or arrested on various pretexts. Reported victims during the period under review included:
- 9 December, 2023: 15+ Muslims who were arrested on terror charges in Pune after National Investigation Agency (NIA) raids across Maharashtra and Karnataka. Separately, nine more Muslim youth in and around Aligarh were reportedly arrested over two months by Uttar Pradesh police, also on terror charges.
- 7 January, 2024: A Muslim man who was arrested for offering prayers at a dilapidated Mughal-era mosque in Shamli, Uttar Pradesh.
- 14 January, 2024: A Muslim truck driver who was arrested in Banaskantha, Gujarat, after he offered prayers on the side of a road.
- 22 January, 2024: Dozens of Muslims and other BJP-critics who were reportedly arrested across the country on and following the day of the consecration of the newly-constructed Ram Temple in Ayodhya (see Freedom of Religion section). These included two Muslim men arrested in Jammu for critical social media posts, four men arrested in Hyderabad for screening a critical documentary, as well as dozens more Muslims arrested from locations where violence was reported, like, Sangareddy (Telangana), Mehsana (Gujarat), and Mumbai (Maharashtra). (see sections on Freedom of Religion and Torture & Ill-Treatment (Non-State Actors) for more on violence during the Ram Temple inauguration)
- 8 February, 2024 (Haldwani, Uttarakhand): Dozens of Muslims who were reportedly arrested following protests over the demolition of a mosque and adjacent seminary by district authorities. (See section on Deprivation of Life for more on this incident)
At least 19 Christians arrested under anti-conversion laws
During the period under review, there were reports of at least 19 Christians being arrested under anti-conversion laws across two BJP-ruled states:
- 1 December, 2023: Nine Christians arrested in Sonbhadra, Uttar Pradesh.
- 15 December, 2023: At least five Christians arrested in Sonbhadra, Uttar Pradesh.
- 17 December, 2023: Two Christians arrested in Khargone, Madhya Pradesh.
- 15 January, 2023: Three Christians arrested in Ghazipur, Uttar Pradesh.
India’s provincial-level anti-conversion laws – now in place in 12 states – have recently been increasingly weaponised against Christian faith leaders as well as Muslim men accused of being in inter-religious relationships with Hindu women. In Uttar Pradesh, recently-released data revealed that 855 arrests have been made since 2020, mostly against Muslims. In 2023, mass arrests of Christians too were reported from Uttar Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh, among other states.
Other notable instances of arbitrary arrests during the period under review included the arrest of the Chief Minister of opposition-ruled Jharkhand, Hemant Soren, on money laundering charges in Ranchi, and the arrests of 8 Adivasi anti-mining activists in Chhattisgarh. (see section on Civic Space and Democratic Backsliding)
Major reported instances of killings of minority women and girls
State actors:
- 14 December, 2023 (Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh): A Muslim woman who was ‘accidentally’ shot dead by a sub-inspector inside a police station. At the time of writing, the accused police official remained absconding.
- 29 December, 2023 (Agra, Uttar Pradesh): A 25-year-old Dalit woman who was allegedly raped and killed by a policeman. The alleged perpetrator was arrested.
Non-state actors:
- 24 December, 2023 (Kaimur, Bihar): A 14-year-old Dalit girl who died after being assaulted for plucking chickpea leaves.
- 12 January, 2024 (Phulwarisharif, Bihar): An 8-year-old Dalit girl who died after she was raped along with another 12-year-old Dalit girl.
Violence against minority women – by both state actors and non-state actors – is vastly unreported. Recently-released government data for 2022 revealed a 4% increase (over 445,000 cases in total) in crimes against women compared to the previous year, as well as an 8.7% rise in crimes against Dalits in general. Further disaggregated government data is not available.
Ahead of national elections scheduled to begin in April, India continued to witness escalated religious polarisation and Hindu mobilisation, led by the BJP and its allied groups like the VHP and the Bajrang Dal. This has continued to be perpetuated by influential political and religious figures advocating religious hatred constituting incitement to discrimination, hostility, and violence against religious minorities, in both online and physical spaces. (For detailed analysis of trends and patterns in the incidence and forms of online hate content in more recent months, see our Hate Speech Monitor.)
Prime Minister Modi leads consecration of Ram Temple at the site of illegally razed Babri Masjid
22 January, 2024 (Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh): 31 years after Hindu extremists led by senior leaders of the BJP illegally destroyed the historical Babri Masjid mosque that had stood in Ayodhya for over 500 years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the consecration ceremony for a temple being constructed at the same site. Flanked by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Chief Mohan Bhagwat, and a host of Hindu priests, Modi led the religious ceremony unveiling an idol of the Hindu deity Ram.
The construction of the temple, formally overseen by a trust set up by the Indian government, was enabled by a Supreme Court verdict in 2019, which had ended a longstanding legal dispute by handing over the site of the erstwhile mosque to Hindu parties, despite also finding that the destruction of the mosque was an illegal act, and despite the absence of conclusive archaeological evidence that a Hindu temple had ever stood at the site.
The ceremony marked the culmination of Hindu nationalists’ decades-long Ram Janmabhoomi (Birthplace of Lord Ram) movement, which had sought to replace the erstwhile mosque with a temple honouring Lord Ram, a deity who many Hindus believe was born at the same site. The violent movement, which had been marked by communal ‘riots’ across the country resulting in thousands of deaths, mostly of Muslims, had catapulted the BJP to the centre stage of Indian politics, which had previously been dominated by ostensibly secular political parties.
The event was boycotted by some opposition political parties, which accused the BJP of politicising religion, but was attended by a glittering array of politicians, bureaucrats, businessmen, sportspersons, and other celebrities. Addressing the crowd, Modi – who had undertaken an 11-day fast in anticipation, visiting various Hindu religious sites across the country – delivered a speech that was steeped in religious fervour, remarking that the temple symbolises ‘the dawn of a new era’ for ‘a nation rising by breaking the mentality of slavery, a nation drawing courage from every affliction of the past, and creating a new history.’
The full might of the Indian state – still nominally secular according to the Constitution – was on display, with military jets showering petals over assorted crowds, while government offices across the country closed early ahead of the ceremony. Meanwhile, emboldened Hindu extremists took out shobha yatras (glory processions) across the country, unleashing violence against Muslims, Christians, and Dalits in at least eight states. As seen on multiple occasions in recent years, Muslims faced the brunt of the violence as well as post-violence retaliatory action from state authorities. (see sections on Torture & Ill-Treatment (Non-State Actors);Arrests and detentions; Discrimination in access to economic, social and cultural rights)
State-supported moves afoot to replace religious character of other historical mosques in Varanasi and Mathura
On 31 January, a district court in Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh) permitted Hindu litigants to offer prayers inside the 17th century Gyanvapi Mosque, the site of another historical dispute between Hindu nationalists and Muslims.
The order was issued after the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), a government agency responsible for conservation and preservation of cultural historical monuments, concluded that a Hindu temple had previously stood at the site. Hours after the order was pronounced, a group of Hindus reportedly led by the District Magistrate (DM) of Varanasi, a senior government bureaucrat, offered prayers inside the mosque complex.
Separately in December, the Allahabad High Court, which has jurisdiction over Uttar Pradesh, approved a similar survey of the Shahi Idgah mosque in Mathura, another site that Hindu nationalists have sought to ‘reclaim’. These moves to ‘reclaim’ historical mosques have proceeded despite the Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991, which prohibits the changing of the character of any place of worship as it existed on the day of India’s independence in 1947.
Other instances of religious minority places of worship being targeted by state actors
Other reported instances of state actors targeting the places of worship and other religious buildings of minorities during the period under review included:
- 30 January, 2024 (Mehrauli, Delhi): Officials of the Delhi Development Authority demolished Masjid Akhonji, a 600-year-old mosque, terming it an unauthorised construction. After the demolition, the Delhi High Court issued an order calling on all parties to maintain status-quo.
Local authorities in Delhi have demolished or announced plans to raze several historical mosques and other Muslim religious buildings in recent years. In January, the New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC), reiterated its plans to demolish yet another historical mosque, the 150-year old Sunehri Bagh Masjid in Lutyens’ Delhi. - 8 February, 2024: (Haldwani, Uttarakhand): A mosque and adjacent seminary were demolished by district authorities, purportedly as part of an anti-encroachment drive. Authorities shot dead six Muslims during protests against the incident, and arrested dozens. (See Section on Deprivation of Life for more on this incident)
Continuing arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement of anti-conversion laws against Muslims and Christians
During the period under review, there were reports of at least 19 Christians being arrested under anti-conversion laws across two BJP-ruled states – Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. (See section on Arrests and detentions)
UP and MP are two of eight BJP-governed states that have, since 2017, introduced new laws – or added more stringent provisions to existing laws – to regulate religious conversions out of Hinduism. (The anti-conversion law introduced in Karnataka, where the BJP was voted out of power in May 2023, is reportedly set to be repealed.) These new laws, like other pre-existing laws elsewhere in country, proscribe religious conversions by means of force, coercion, fraud, and other prohibited means. Additionally, they have also specifically sought to leverage and fuel the ‘love jihad’ conspiracy theory, by introducing restrictive conditions on inter-faith marriages.
Meanwhile, ‘ghar wapsi’ (homecoming) ceremonies organised by Hindu groups to ‘re-convert’ Muslims and Christians to Hinduism continued unabated. At one such reported event in Muzaffarnagar, UP, in late-September, a Hindu leader had revealed that over 1100 Muslims had been ‘re-converted’ to Hinduism over the past 18 months. Such ‘re-conversions’ are specifically exempt from the newly-enacted anti-conversion laws, including in UP. India’s Supreme Court is yet to hold substantive hearings on the constitutional validity of the newly-enacted anti-conversion laws, all of which have been challenged on various grounds, including for infringements of the rights to privacy and freedom of religion.
The trends and violations detailed in previous sections also continued to have discriminatory impacts on minorities’ access to economic, social, and cultural rights, including livelihoods and education.
As referred to throughout previous sections, India’s domestic mechanisms have been largely failing to ensure accountability for ongoing and previous violations. The judicial process, from filing a complaint to securing convictions and other remedies, has continued to be skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities. Victims and families seeking justice are routinely harassed, and often face retributive arrests themselves. India’s anti-terror laws, which reverse the burden of proof and allow for prolonged incarceration without trial, have further convoluted the prospects for justice. And even when India’s courts, including the Supreme Court, have attempted to step in, a sense of permissiveness and impunity have continued to prevail among State and non-State actors accused of violations. For instance, recent court directives on curbing the proliferation of hate speech have, to date, gone largely unheeded, particularly by public authorities in BJP-governed states.
Notable developments during the period under review included:
Supreme Court upholds unilateral revocation of Jammu & Kashmir’s semi-autonomous status
In December, a 5-member bench of the Supreme Court upheld the government’s decision in 2019 to unilaterally revoke Muslim-majority Jammu & Kashmir (J&K)’s special constitutional status and to divide and downgrade it into two Union Territories (UT) directly administered by the central government.
The abrogation of Article 370 of the Constitution, which had guaranteed semi-autonomous status for the erstwhile state, had been enforced in 2019, along with a near-total communications blockade that had lasted over 18 months, and the arbitrary detention of thousands of political leaders, journalists, and civilians. A former Chief Minister of J&K described the SC verdict as ‘no less than news of a death sentence’. J&K has been without any form of political representation since 2018.
Bombay HC grants bail to Gautam Navlakha in Bhima-Koregaon case; order stayed repeatedly upon NIA request
Gautam Navlakha, one of 16 activists arrested under terrorism charges for allegedly inciting violence during a Dalit commemoration event in 2018, was granted bail by the Bombay HC. However, Navlakha is yet to be released from house arrest, after the National Investigative Agency (NIA) secured a stay order pending appeal before the Supreme Court. The SC has extended the stay on the bail order.
While five of those arrested have been released on bail – and an 84-year-old Jesuit priest died while in police custody – Navlakha and the other nine activists have completed over five years under incarceration without trial. Multiple digital forensics agencies have confirmed that fabricated evidence had been planted on the digital devices of the arrested activists to enable their prosecution.
Prominent Kashmiri journalists remain in custody despite HC declaring their arrests illegal
At the time of writing, two prominent Kashmiri journalists – Asif Sultan and Sajad Gul – remained in police custody despite separate orders by the J&K High Court quashing the criminal proceedings initiated against them under the Public Safety Act (PSA).
The PSA is a preventive detention law specific to Kashmir that allows for detention without charges or trial for up to two years. Those who obtain bail under the act are routinely re-arrested and re-booked. Sultan has been in custody since August 2018 and Gul since January 2022.
Continued incarceration of anti-CAA protest leaders without trial
After the Supreme Court continued to defer the bail hearings of Umar Khalid, one of several prominent student leaders arrested during protests in 2019 against India’s discriminatory Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), Khalid opted to withdraw his bail plea and approach a lower court.
Khalid, along with 59 others – including students and HRDs – have been charged under the anti-terror Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), and accused of organising the targeted mass violence in Delhi in February 2020 that had left 53 dead, including 40 Muslims.
While around five of the co-accused have been released on bail, the rest have remained in custody in connection with various charges. Khalid had approached the SC in October last year after the Delhi High Court rejected his bail plea, but the Court has adjourned hearings over 10 times, citing various reasons.
Separately, the bail pleas of student leader Sharjeel Imam, HRD Khalid Saifi and several others – all accused of participating in the same alleged conspiracy – are set to be heard afresh by the Delhi High Court, after one of the judges who had been presiding over the case since last year was elevated to another court. Khalid and the other co-accused have been in custody for over three years, with their trials yet to commence. Khalid and the other co-accused have been in custody for close to four years, with their trials yet to commence.
In this time, BJP-led governments continued to resort to authoritarian methods to target critics and dissenters, and those standing up for minority rights. A brief overview of developments during the period under review that further underline the extent of India’s democratic backsliding in recent years, particularly ahead of upcoming national elections, follows:
- Continued targeting of opposition leaders and parties: In December, during the penultimate session of the current Parliament, at least 143 opposition MPs were suspended for various reasons. Mahua Moitra, a prominent opposition MP who had repeatedly highlighted corruption allegations against Gautam Adani, an industrialist widely known as a close associate of Prime Minister Modi, was expelled from Parliament on spurious charges. In January, Hemant Soren, an opposition politician who had been the sitting Chief Minister of Jharkhand state, was arrested on money laundering charges. And in February, the Indian National Congress (INC), the largest opposition party, alleged that its bank accounts had been frozen by income tax authorities.
- Continued targeting of journalists: In December, an Amnesty International investigation revealed that Israeli-made Pegasus spyware, which is sold only to government entities, was used to compromise the mobile devices of two prominent journalists, including the chief editor of The Wire, an online news outlet known for its critical coverage of the BJP, and a journalist who had reported on the allegations against Adani. In January, French journalist Vanessa Dougnac was threatened with the cancellation of her Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) card over her ‘malicious’ reportage; Dougnac later opted to leave the country. Also in January, the X (formerly known as Twitter) social media account of Hindutva Watch, an online portal that aggregates hate crimes and hate speech by Hindu extremists, was blocked in India at the demand of the government. In December, government data had revealed that authorities had asked for the blocking of nearly 37,000 social media URLs since 2018.
- Continued targeting of HRDs and CSOs: In February, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) raided the offices of the Centre for Equity Studies (CES) and the residence of its director Harsh Mander, a prominent human rights defender, over alleged violations of foreign donation rules by an NGO he heads. A range of government agencies have been mobilised in recent years against CES and Mander, whose offices had previously been raided in 2021. Other major civil society organisations that had their licences to receive foreign donations cancelled during the period under review included the Centre for Policy Research (CPR), a prominent think-tank, and World Vision India, a Christian charity.
- Enactment of anti-democratic legislation: In the Winter session of Parliament, and with minimal debate in the absence of scores of suspended MPs, three sets of contentious legislations were passed, including (i) an overhaul of India’s criminal laws, widely criticised for vastly expanding police powers without ensuring procedural safeguards against false implication in terror cases, (ii) a new Telecommunications Bill, widely criticised for enabling further surveillance and cementing the government’s powers to enforce blanket internet shutdowns, and (iii) new regulations regarding the appointment of Election Commissioners, widely criticised for giving the ruling government a virtual veto over who may be recommended for appointment.
