Overview of human rights abuses and violations against India’s religious minorities from 1 May to 31 August, 2024.
During the period under review, May to August 2024, India concluded the seven-phase General Election (GE) to its national parliament. The election period was marked by a significant worsening of anti-minority rhetoric and other abuses, with the top leadership of the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), led by Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi, demonising and dehumanising India’s Muslims while seeking votes. There were also serious violations of electoral integrity, as India’s once-vaunted Election Commission (ECI) acted like a virtual arm of the government.
The results of the GE, announced on 4 June, confirmed that the BJP had emerged, yet again, as the largest single party. Since then, the BJP has formed a government, in coalition with other members of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) bloc that it leads. The BJP’s reduced margin of victory (securing only 240 seats out of 543 on its own, compared to 303 in 2019) led several commentators to remark that India’s democracy had triumphed, and that a resurgent opposition—along with less-sectarian members of the ruling alliance—would act as a bulwark against the BJP government’s authoritarian impulses, as well as human rights abuses against Muslims and other minorities.
Instead, the BJP quickly appeared to signal that it was unwilling to relent: within ten days of the election results, authorities in Delhi sanctioned the prosecution of prominent writer Arundhati Roy and academic Showkat Hussain over allegedly contentious speeches they had made in Kashmir in 2010, and registered a case against four journalists in Delhi who had alleged that they had been assaulted by a Hindu mob while reporting in 2020. During the swearing-in ceremony for new parliamentarians a BJP MP ended his oath by hailing a Hindu Rashtra (Nation). Notably, for the first time ever in India’s history, there is not a single Muslim, Christian or Sikh MP in the ruling alliance.
Indeed, the situation for India’s minorities, particularly Muslims, has significantly deteriorated since May ‘24. Below are some of the highlights from the period under review:
- Major abuses by state actors included extrajudicial killings of Muslims (Kashmir, Assam, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand), and their arbitrary arrests and detention on various pretexts across the country, torture, punitive and arbitrary demolition and attachment of property (Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh), and the advocacy of religious hatred amounting to incitement. BJP-led state governments in Assam and Uttar Pradesh announced discriminatory policy measures targeting Muslims. Extrajudicial killings of Adivasis too occurred in the reporting period (Chhattisgarh)
- Hindu extremist non-state actors with close links to the BJP also escalated their violent targeting of minorities – at least 12 Muslims, an Adivasi Christian woman, and a Hindu youth mistaken for a Muslim, were murdered in cases of religiously-motivated mob lynching. Religiously-motivated mass violence against Muslims was reported from five states, on various pretexts, resulting in dozens of injuries. Muslims in at least four states faced ‘retaliatory’ attacks following reports of anti-Hindu violence in neighbouring Bangladesh. At least 132 more individuals, mostly Muslims, were injured in other religiously-motivated hate crimes, including by self-styled vigilantes emboldened by India’s cow-protection laws. The perpetrators of such violence continued to be accommodated, rewarded, and promised protection by BJP leaders.
- Hate speech and the use of communal rhetoric demonising and dehumanising minorities, particularly Muslims, reached a fever pitch in May, during the elections campaign period, before moderating in June and July. In August, following reports of anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh, the advocacy of religious hatred spiked again, particularly in states that are heading for provincial elections in the coming months. Between August and May, we documented a total of 112 ‘top’ level hate speeches, each constituting direct incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence.
- Against this backdrop, India’s domestic mechanisms continued to largely fail to ensure effective remedy and accountability for these and past abuses, with state institutions and the criminal justice system remaining skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities.
- In July, the UN Human Rights Committee reviewed India’s compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), after a gap of 28 years. After a two-day long dialogue during which Indian officials resorted to denials and obfuscation of facts, the Committee issued a strong set of recommendations relating to, inter alia, violence against religious minorities, gender-based violence, the use of counter-terror and other national security laws to suppress dissent, and high levels of corruption. (See our statement on the Committee’s Concluding Observations here.)
Key figures (1 May to 31 August, 2024):
State Actors
18
extra-judicial killings by state actors. (6 Muslims, 12 Adivasis)
100+
instances of arbitrary arrest or detention.
10
Muslims grievously injured in ‘half encounters’ by police in Uttar Pradesh. (24+ since February 2024)
Dozens of
punitive demolitions or attachment of Muslims’ property across Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.
NON-STATE ACTORS
12 Muslim men, 1 Adivasi Christian woman, 1 Hindu man
killed in mob lynching incidents by suspected Hindu extremists.
5
states where religiously-motivated mass violence by Hindu extremists was reported.
4
states where Indian Muslims faced ‘retaliatory’ attacks following reports of anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh.
132+
injured in other religiously-motivated hate crimes by Hindu extremists.
The period under review was marked by arbitrary arrests and detentions of Muslims and Christians under multiple pretexts. In Assam, dozens of Muslim were declared non-citizens and sent to mass detention camps.
25+ Muslims arrested or detained across the country on various pretexts
Throughout the period under review, Muslims across the country continued to be arrested or detained on various, spurious charges. Some reported instances included:
- 15 June, 2024 (Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh): A Muslim café-owner was arrested – and his café sealed – for allegedly selling beef burgers, reportedly upon the complaint of a Bajrang Dal leader.
- 23 June, 2024 (Kushinagar, UP): Nine Muslims were arrested for offering Eid prayers on government land, on charges of promoting enmity between religious groups. Two Hindus, including the village head, were also arrested, apparently for not stopping the Muslims from praying. Police claim that the land is the site of a dispute between Muslims and Hindus, and that authorities had prohibited any activity there.
- 28 June, 2024 (Bharuch, Gujarat): Two Muslim clerics were arrested on charges of promoting enmity between religious groups, after they allegedly made social media posts describing the rules of animal sacrifice as per Islamic law.
- 24 June, 2024 (Udham Singh Nagar, Uttarakhand): Muslim woman arrested for allegedly storing beef in her home.
- 13 July, 2024 (Darbhanga, Bihar): Three Muslims were arrested after they reportedly waved a Palestinian flag at a Muharram procession.
- 17 July, 2024 (Nawada, Bihar): Two Muslims were arrested after they reportedly waved a Palestinian flag at a Muharram procession.
- 20 July, 2024 (Raipur, Chhattisgarh): Muslim woman arrested for allegedly storing beef in her home.
- 23 July, 2024 (Khandwa, Madhya Pradesh): Four Muslim men arrested for waving Palestine flag during Muharram procession.
- 15 August, 2024 (Cachar, Assam): A Muslim youth was arrested under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, after he was accosted by Hindu extremists while speaking to a Hindu girl, accusing him of involvement in ‘love jihad’. Despite video evidence of the incident, the assailants were not arrested.
- 31 August, 2024 (Barpeta, Assam): A 31-year-old Muslim man was arrested after he uploaded a protest song on YouTube critiquing the discriminatory treatment faced by Assam’s Bengali-speaking Muslims.
59+ Christians arrested across the country under anti-conversion laws
India’s stringent anti-conversion laws, which are now in place in 12 states, continued to be weaponised against Christians. During the period under review, we documented 59 arrests under these laws, all in BJP-governed states.
- 5 May, 2024 (Noida, Uttar Pradesh): 6 Christians arrested over accusations of being part of ‘conversion racket’.
- 7-23 June, 2024 (Uttar Pradesh): 14 Christians arrested in UP over accusations of ‘conversion activities.
- 5 July, 2024 (Bharatpur, Rajasthan): 28 Christians (including 20 women) detained at prayer meet.
- 17 July, 2024 (Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh): 3 Christian nurses arrested over allegations of illegal religious conversion.
- 29 July, 2024 (Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh): Two Christians, including a pastor, arrested on charges of ‘forceful conversions’.
- 29 August, 2024 (Betul, Madhya Pradesh): 6 Christians arrested for alleged religious conversions.
Also arrested under conversion laws was a Muslim woman in Thane (Maharashtra), whose mother alleged that she had been ‘brainwashed’ into converting to Islam. The woman was arrested along with another person. (Also see section on Religious Freedom for more on the abuse of provincial-level anti-conversion laws.)
During the period under review, state police forces in Uttar Pradesh continued to injure Muslims in staged ‘half-encounter’ shootings. India also saw a significant escalation in communal mob violence and communally-motivated hate crimes, particularly since the conclusion of the 2024 General Election.
In other sections of this Tracker, which focuses on the persecution of religious minorities, we highlighted various human rights violations that underlined the intersectional marginalisation faced by women from religious minority communities. These included:
- The death of a 55-year-old woman in Uttar Pradesh, apparently due to a panic attack, while her house was being raided by police forces in search of beef. (See section on Deprivation of Life – Non-State Actors)
- The incarceration of 8 Bengali-speaking Muslim women in a mass detention camp in Assam, after they were declared to be non-citizens by a Foreigners Tribunal. (See section on Arrests and Detentions)
- The arrest of several Muslim women, on charges such as storing beef in their homes. (See section on Arrests and Detentions)
- The arrest of around 20 Christian women, and separately, a woman who had recently embraced Islam, for violating India’s draconian anti-conversion laws. (See section on Arrests and Detentions)
- Continuing religious discrimination and harassment faced by Muslim girls seeking to wear hijab at educational institutions, or offer prayers. (see section on Discrimination in Access to Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights)
- The lack of remedy for women from tribal communities, many of whom were also Christians, who faced gender-based violence during the ongoing ethnic conflict in Manipur. (see section on Fair Trial Rights and Lack of Effective Remedy)
The broader pattern of endemic, gender-based violence, including sexual violence, against India’s women and girls—across social groups—received wide attention during the period under review. Deep-rooted flaws in India’s criminal justice system too came to the fore, and received widespread condemnation.
Kolkata Doctor’s Rape and Murder in August, 2024: Institutional Failures
What brought about this renewed attention was the rape and murder of a 31-year-old trainee doctor at a government-run hospital in Kolkata (West Bengal), on 9 August, 2024. The hospital authorities and the Kolkata police initially attempted to portray the death as a suicide, but an autopsy confirmed that the victim had been raped and murdered. There was a delay on the part of hospital authorities in reporting the incident. Moreover, the Kolkata police are also reported to have violated a number of procedural requirements, including a delay of 14 hours in recording a First Information Report (FIR), delay in securing the crime scene and collecting evidence, and not registering the death as unnatural until after the post mortem examination was conducted. As a result, and in the face of widespread public outrage, on 13 August 2024, the Kolkata High Court ordered transfer of the case from the Kolkata Police to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI). The court noted serious lapses on part of the hospital administration, as well as lack of progress in the police investigation and possible destruction of evidence. Reports also indicate that the alleged perpetrator is a civic police volunteer worker and had unrestricted access to the hospital building as a result.
On 18 August 2024, the Supreme Court of India took suo motu cognizance of the case, focusing on the need for safety laws for medical professionals and doctors. The Supreme Court, on 20 August 2024, ordered the formation of a 10-member National Task Force (NTF) to monitor safety of doctors in India, intended to prevent violence, including gender-based violence against medical professionals; and also provide an enforceable national protocol for dignified and safe working conditions for medical professionals. While the focus of the outrage and the courts was largely on security risks faced by the medical staff in India, the underlying issue of widespread violence against women has been sidelined to a large extent.
Systemic barriers in investigating and prosecuting sexual violence, particularly against women from marginalised communities
In the specific case highlighted above, the public outrage, country-wide protests, and strikes by doctors across the country were instrumental in speeding up response of the authorities. However, in most cases of sexual violence, issues such as non-registration or delayed registration of FIRs, interference with the crime scene and flawed investigations are standard practice. This is particularly so in cases where the victim belongs to a marginalised community. Below, we have set out thirteen such cases that took place just between 19 July 2024 and 26 August 2024. The victims in many of these cases are Dalit women, and often minors. This list is merely illustrative and not exhaustive.
- 19 July 2024; Gonda, Uttar Pradesh: On the night of Friday, 19 July 2024, two men raped a 16-year-old Dalit girl in Gonda district, Uttar Pradesh. The girl and her mother had gone out of their house to urinate/defecate, when two men came on a motorbike, dragged the girl into a field and raped her. They later fled the scene leaving the motorbike behind, as other villagers approached, alerted by the shouts of the mother.
- 30 or 31 July 2024; Uttarakhand: A man was arrested for raping and killing a nurse who was returning home from work on the night of 31 July 2024. The nurse, who was missing for over a week, was found to have been raped and strangled, and her head was smashed with a brick.
- 8 August 2024; Amethi, Uttar Pradesh: A 13-year-old Dalit girl from a village in Amethi district in Uttar Pradesh accused her inebriated father of raping her while she was alone at home on 8 August 2024. She informed the police of the incident after the funeral of her mother, who died on 10 August 2024.
- 11 August 2024; Muzaffarpur, Bihar: A 14-year-old Dalit girl was murdered in in Muzaffarpur district of Bihar in the night of 11 August 2024. Sanjay Rai, a 45-year-old “upper caste” man from the same village is alleged to have kidnapped the girl and perpetrated the brutal attack along with five others. The attack appears to have followed the refusal of a marriage proposal made by the main accused. The family reported that the girl had dropped out of school due to fear after facing pressure from the main accused to marry him. The girl’s body was found in a pond near her village on 12 August 2024, her legs were tied with a rope and cut marks were found on her neck, head and arms. The police have not yet confirmed allegations made by the girl’s family that she was raped. Some of the perpetrators in this incident have now been arrested by the police.
Soon after the girl’s body was recovered, local media claimed that the girl’s breasts were cut and there were severe injuries in on her private parts, suggesting rape. These claims were amplified on social media as well, but refuted by the police. - 12 August 2024; Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh: Gajendra Singh, a 57-year-old government official in Bulandshahr raped a six-year-old Dalit girl and committed bestiality with a goat. Both incidents were recorded on the phone by a neighbour’s child, a boy of a similar age to the girl. The Uttar Pradesh state government has suspended the official and announced assistance of INR 825,000 to the girl’s family. However, it is yet to be seen if the perpetrator will be held accountable by the criminal justice system.
- 15/16 August; Nandigram, West Bengal: A 32-year-old woman in Nandigram, West Bengal, was beaten, stripped naked and dragged allegedly by local BJP workers, before being abandoned about 300 meters from her home. Disputing accounts suggest that the assault may be linked to a dispute over water drainage issues, or be linked to political revenge since the assaulted woman and her family had recently shifted their allegiance from the BJP to a different political party, the TMC.
- 17 August 2024; Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh: A doctor in Moradabad district raped a 20-year-old Dalit nurse working at his hospital. Around midnight while the nurse was on night duty, another nurse and a ward boy told the survivor that the doctor had called her at his residence inside the hospital campus. When she refused to go there, they dragged her to the room and bolted the door from outside. The perpetrator also threatened to kill the nurse if she reported the incident. The doctor and his aides have been arrested by the police.
- August 2024; Badlapur, Thane, Maharashtra: Two minor girls aged three and four years are reported to have been repeatedly sexually abused by a male attendant over a period of 15 days at their school in Thane district, Maharashtra.
- 22 August 2024; Badlapur, Thane, Maharashtra: A 54-year-old man has been accused of repeatedly raping and beating his 16-year-old daughter, with the most recent incident occurring on 22 August 2024.
- 23 or 24 August 2024; Latur, Maharashtra: A man was arrested by the police on Monday, 26 August 2024 for reportedly raping and murdering a 70-year-old woman in his house.
- 24 August 2024; Palghar, Maharashtra: A 42-year-old man is alleged to have raped a 12-year-old girl while she was alone at her home.
- 24 August 2024; Dharashiv, Maharashtra: Vijay Ghadge, a 25-year-old man, is accused of intercepting a 15-year-old girl who was on her way to a grocery shop and raping her after inviting her to his house. Reports indicate that four other men were present and two other men also sexually assaulted the girl.
- 26 August 2024; Ratnagiri, Maharashtra: A rickshaw driver is reported to have drugged and raped a 19-year-old nursing student while she was returning home from her college.
Another factor relevant to note in the aftermath of the 9 August 2024 incident in Kolkata, as well as in some of the other cases listed above is the spread of misinformation about the nature of the crime, particularly via social media. In the case of the Kolkata incident, a Muslim man was wrongfully accused on social media, misinformation was spread about the kind of injuries and assault, and the victim’s name and photographs were also shared on social media, contrary to legal requirements in India.
The problem of violence against women was most recently highlighted by the UN Human Rights Committee, in its recent Concluding Observations on India’s fourth periodic review under the ICCPR, issued on 25 July 2024. The committee noted with concern the endemic violence against women and girls in India, highlighting the prevalence of gang-rapes and public humiliation of women, noting also that such violence is exacerbated when directed against women and girls inter alia from ethnic and religious minorities and lower castes.
The endemic nature of this deep-rooted problem is evident from the findings of a report by the Association for Democratic Reforms and New Election Watch, released on 21 August 2024. This report shows that a total of 151 sitting Members of Parliament and Members of Legislative Assembly have declared cases of crimes against women, with the BJP having the highest number of such legislators among political parties. 16 of these are cases related to rape.
Another example of the open disregard by elected officials is also evident from recorded statements that have surfaced which are allegedly made by the chief minister of Manipur in connection with the incidents of sexual assault against Kuki women in May 2024, among large scale anti-Kuki violence in that state, which drew global attention and outrage. A voice purportedly belonging to chief minister Biren Singh can be heard making light of the crime and claiming that Meitei civil society groups should have asserted that they were the ones who saved the women, clothed them and sent them home. He was dismissive of the allegations of sexual violence and cast doubts on the testimony of the survivors. As highlighted above, proceedings in these cases remain pending, with investigations not completed or trials yet to begin.
Another trend to highlight is of threats and further violence meant to target and intimidate survivors of sexual violence and their family members. A few examples of cases are set out below, involving brutal violence and gang rape of women and girls belonging to marginalized communities, where police and perpetrators have threatened the survivor and her family members to force them to drop the case or enter a “compromise” with the accused perpetrator:
- In September 2020, a 19-year-old Dalit girl was gang-raped and brutally assaulted near her home in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh. She died in the hospital two weeks later and was forcibly cremated by the Uttar Pradesh police without conducting a proper post mortem examination or collecting evidence. Consequently, three of the accused perpetrators have been acquitted and have returned to the village, living as neighbours of the family, with the family’s own movements being restricted for their own safety. The family has not yet been relocated or given a job as they had been directed by the court in July 2022.
- In June 2017, former BJP MLA Kuldeep Singh Sengar along with his driver and other unnamed men raped a 17-year-old Dalit girl in Unnao, Uttar Pradesh. The miscarriage of justice in this case has been unabashed and blatant. The police initially conspired with the perpetrator Kuldeep Singh Sengar, a former BJP MLA, to falsely arrest the girl’s father who was killed while in custody. Thereafter, a truck collision in 2019 led to the survivor and her lawyer being seriously injured and two of her relatives being killed. These were only some of the threats and attacks that the survivor and her family members faced. In this case as well, there were a number of public protests at various stages of the case, leading to eventual intervention by the Supreme Court and transfer of associated pending cases to courts in Delhi.
- During the period under review (1 May to 31 August, 2024), we documented 469 instances of hate speech by senior political and religious figures. Of these, 276 (59 per cent) were reported during the 2024 General Election campaigning period.
- 112 (24 per cent) of these speeches appeared to meet the UN’s threshold for ‘top’ level hate speech. (‘Top’ level hate speech is prohibited by international law, constituting direct incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence.) 359 (76 per cent) met the threshold for ‘intermediate’ level hate speech. (‘Intermediate’ level hate speech may be prohibited by states—and are prohibited by India—to protect the rights or reputations of others, or for the protection of national security or of public order, or of public health or morals.) All 469 speeches appear to violate India’s domestic laws – these include provisions of the Representation of the People Act (RPA), which applies to election speeches, as well as hate speech provisions in India’s penal code (the Indian Penal Code, as well as Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, which replaced the IPC in July.)
Anti-minority hate speech during the 2024 General Election:
- Top offenders during the election period included Prime Minister Narendra Modi (61 speeches), Home Minister Amit Shah (43 speeches, as well as Yogi Adityanath (73 speeches), Himanta Biswa Sarma (22 speeches), and Pushkar Singh Dhammi (10 speeches), the state Chief Ministers of Uttar Pradesh, Assam, and Uttarakhand, respectively. None of these speakers faced any meaningful action from the police, electoral authorities, or the courts. (See more detailed coverage of the content of these election-time speeches in our previous Hate Speech Monitor here.)
Post-election trends and developments:
- While the conclusion of the General Election was followed by a relative lull in the incidence of hate speeches (1.6 hate speeches per day in June and 1.4 in July), the rate of hate speech more than doubled in August (to 3.3 hate speeches per day). This uptick was driven by two main factors: reports of anti-Hindu atrocities in neighbouring Bangladesh, and impending legislative assembly elections in multiple states. Maharashtra, where elections are speculated to be held in November, and where the BJP and its allies are expected to face a tough contest from opposition parties, witnessed 40 hate speeches in August (38.5 per cent of the monthly total).
- 94.3 per cent (182) of the hate speeches reported during the post-election period (since 1 June, 2024) were in states or Union Territories where the BJP and its allies are in power, or where law & order is under the control of the BJP-led central government.
- While most of the BJP’s star campaigners at the national level appeared to tone down their rhetoric upon the conclusion of the General Election, several of the BJP’s elected legislators continued to openly incite hostility, discrimination, and violence against minorities. Nitesh Rane (10 ‘top’ level hate speeches) and T. Raja Singh (6 ‘top’ level hate speeches) were the worst offenders during the post-election period.
Excerpts from some ‘top’ level hate speeches by BJP MLA Nitesh Rane (since 1 May, 2024)
| Date and location | Excerpts |
| 27 June, 2024 (Mumbai, Maharashtra) | “Cut Asaduddin Owaisi’s tongue and bring it to me, I will reward you. How did Owaisi freely walk out of the parliament saying ‘Jai Palestine’? No nation leaves alive a person who does such an act.” |
| 3 August, 2024 (Mumbai, Maharashtra) | “To protect our religion, we can pick up swords. […] Once we get on the field, no one will be able to save you. […] If you kill one of ours, we will make sure to kill two of yours.” |
| 18 August, 2024 (Pune, Maharashtra) | “Don’t mess around with Hindus, this is a BJP government. We will kill you one by one. […] Once we come after you, your mother and father won’t be able to save you.” |
| 1 September, 2024 (Ahmednagar, Maharashtra) | “I am leaving after threatening you in the language which you understand. If you do anything against our Ramgiri Maharaja, they will come inside your mosques and kill you one by one. Keep this in mind.” |
Highlights of some ‘top’ level hate speeches by BJP MLA T. Raja Singh (since 1 May, 2024)
| Date and location | Excerpts |
| 12 August, 2024 (Surajpur, Chhattisgarh) | “If you want to kill a land jihadi, love jihadi or cow killers, please join Bajrang Dal. […] If the CM of Chhattisgarh creates a task force to kill cow killers, love jihadis, land jihadis, nobody will stop you. […] There are 1 crore Rohingyas in India, that’s why you need to learn how to use weapons. Learn how to use swords and sticks, but if you can, apply for a licensed firearm. […] We have to root out all the people who do conversion.” |
| 27 August, 2024 (Amravati, Maharashtra) | “If you want to kill a love jihadi, join Bajrang Dal. […] I like Hindus who can kill Muslims.” |
- While both Rane and Singh are known to have had dozens of FIRs registered against them across the country, there has been no meaningful progress in any of the investigations. Both have remained free to continue to incite hostility, discrimination and violence.
- Also noteworthy has been the continuation of anti-minority rhetoric by Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. During the election campaign, Sarma had repeatedly exhorted the anti-Muslim polices and measures his provincial government had initiated. On multiple occasions, he had claimed that ‘36 per cent of Assam’s population’ (the share of Muslims in the state total) were ‘infiltrators’, and that those ‘infiltrators’ would be ‘kicked out someday’. At least one other speech by Sarma had contained threats of violence. (‘We will just break their legs once and no one will do love jihad again.’) There has been no let-up in Sarma’s rhetoric even after the conclusion of the GE – in fact, he has doubled down on his attacks against Assam’s ‘Miya’ Muslim (Bengali-speaking) community. Since June, Sarma has:
- Referred to the increase in Assam’s Muslim population as a ‘matter of life and death’.
- On multiple occasions, blamed ‘minority people of Bangladeshi origin’ and ‘people of a particular community’ voting for the opposition as the reason for the BJP’s poor performance in the GE.
- Raised alarm over ‘criminal activities’ by ‘a section of people from a particular religion’, during a Facebook livestream when he listed a series of recent crimes where the accused perpetrators were Bengali-speaking Muslims. Separately, Sarma also baselessly linked crimes against women to migration, calling it ‘part of a large encroachment strategy’, and alleging that culprits ‘scare families and then grab their land.’
- Accused a university run by a Muslim foundation of engaging in ‘flood jihad’ and causing floods in Assam.
- When confronted over his partisan rhetoric against Muslims, Sarma was unrepentant in his response: ‘You, Miya Muslims, will take over the whole of Upper Assam. We won’t let you take… I will take a side, what will you do? I will take a side, do whatever you can.’
While Sarma’s rhetoric does not cross the threshold to qualify as prohibited hate speech, it appears to be having dire consequences for Assam’s Bengali-speaking population. Since May, there have been multiple calls by extremist groups for the forced expulsion of Bengali-speaking Muslims from Assam. On 24 August, the same day a Muslim man who had been arrested and accused of a gangrape—and three days after Sarma’s Facebook livestream—around a dozen Miya Muslim labourers, who had fled from Nazira town in Choraideo district, were assaulted by armed men who forced them to chant slogans in support of the indigenous Assamese community. Local civil society activists estimate that between 100 to 1000 Bengali-speaking Muslims have fled their homes in eastern Assam in recent months due to such attacks and threats.
Sarma’s government has also doubled down on its anti-Muslim policies and measures. During the period under review, Sarma announced plans to introduce a law regulating inter-faith marriages, as well as plans to mandate prior consent from the Chief Minister for land transactions between Hindus and Muslims. (see section on Religious Freedom.) - Excerpts from other noteworthy speeches by BJP leaders include:
| Date, location and speaker | Excerpts |
| 27 June, 2024 – Delhi Karnail Singh (State Convenor, BJP Delhi) | “If the same incident happened at a mosque, if Hindus had dumped a slaughtered pig, there would have been riots by now. Hindus are still tolerant. Do whatever you want to do within that period. 150,000 or 200,000 Muslims live here, I will slaughter all of them. I will hand a sword to every person here and slaughter all Muslims. I won’t leave anyone alive.” |
| 18 July, 2024 – Begusarai, Bihar Giriraj Singh (Union Minister of Textiles) | “The biggest mistake was to let Muslims live here. If the country was partitioned on religious lines, why were Muslims allowed to remain here? Had they not been allowed to live here this situation would not have been created.” |
- Other Hindu nationalist leaders, all aligned to the BJP, also continued to organise public events where local-level leaders demonised minorities by peddling common conspiracy theories—such as the ‘love jihad’ charge against Muslims, and the charge of unlawful mass conversions against Christians, and of India’s Hindu majority being at risk of demographic overhaul—and openly incited discrimination, hostility, and violence. Open calls for social and economic boycotts, as well as open calls for violence, were common and continued to be reported throughout the period under review. These events were organised by groups such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the Bajrang Dal (BD), militant outfits spawned by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)* to, according to scholars, act as its armed wing, as well as lead various grassroots-level ‘everyday communalism’ campaigns that keep majoritarian attitudes and religious hostilities alive. These shock troops continued to mobilise and radicalise young men and women on a massive scale. During the period under review, we documented 16 events where participants were distributed weapons, including guns and swords, and/or trained in their use.
*The RSS is the ideological fountainhead of modern Hindu nationalism, and the BJP has acted as its political wing.
The trends and violations detailed in previous sections also continued to have discriminatory impacts on minorities’ access to economic, social, and cultural rights, including livelihoods and education. There were also instances of minority housing and livelihoods being directly targeted by state actors.
During India’s recently-concluded General Election, there were multiple instances of minority voters reportedly being denied the right to exercise their franchise, in addition to those still disenfranchised due to previous voter suppression measures in Assam.
(For detailed analysis of other electoral integrity violations during the GE, see reports of the Independent Panel for Monitoring Indian Elections.)
Hundreds of Muslims in Gujarat, UP denied the right to vote
7 May, 2024 (Sambhal, UP): Dozens of Muslim voters, including women, in the Sambhal parliamentary constituency alleged that they were assaulted, denied the right to vote, and chased away by police personnel. Among those who were reportedly denied the right to vote was Zia-ur-Rehman, the candidate of the opposition Samajwadi Party. Police authorities made counter-claims that they had caught more than 50 ‘suspicious persons’ while trying to cast ‘fake votes’
7 May, 2024 (Devbhumi Dwarka, Gujarat): Around Muslim fishermen in the harbours of Gandhvi and Navadra were unable to vote after their names were deleted from the latest electoral rolls. The ECI claimed that it had followed due process while deleting the names. The fishermen’s homes had been demolished by local authorities in several targeted demolition drives since October 2022, over claims that they were ‘illegally built’ on government land.
20 May, 2024 (Amethi, Uttar Pradesh): Violent assaults against Muslim voters by policemen were reported from at least two poll booths near Muslim-concentration areas.
Separately, in Uttarakhand (Manglaur) in July, several local Muslims alleged that they were violently assaulted by Hindu extremists while on their way to cast their votes during by-elections to the state legislative assembly.
Continuing impacts of past voter suppression tactics against ‘illegal migrants’ in Assam
Close to 100,000 Assam residents who have been declared as ‘doubtful voters’ (D-voters) by the Election Commission of India (ECI) over past decades continued to be denied the right to vote during the ongoing General Election. Designation as ‘doubtful voters’ – and subsequent denial of voting rights – by the ECI is one of several state-led efforts to target and penalise alleged ‘illegal migrants’ to the state.
In August 2019, the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was published in Assam, as the culmination of a separate, multi-year administrative exercise to identify ‘genuine’ Indian citizens and exclude ‘illegal migrants’. While over 33 million persons had applied for inclusion in the NRC, over 1.9 million Assam residents – around 6 percent of the state’s population – were excluded. The status of these NRC-excludees remains in legal limbo. While they were not barred from voting in post-2019 assembly elections by the ECI, it is unclear how many of them have found their names in electoral rolls during the 2024 General Election. The north-eastern state has, historically, been the site of tensions between the dominant Assamese-speaking community and minority Bengali-speakers. The rise of the BJP has resulted in the broader ‘anti-migrant’ movement in the state assuming a more overt communal character, targeting Muslims exclusively.
As referred throughout previous sections, India’s domestic mechanisms continue to largely fail to ensure accountability for the violations. The judicial process continued to be skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities. Victims and families seeking justice were routinely harassed and intimidated. And even when India’s courts, including the Supreme Court, have attempted to step in, a sense of permissiveness and impunity have continued to prevail among State and non-State actors accused of violations. For instance, recent court directives on curbing the proliferation of hate speech have gone largely unheeded, including during the recent General Election, particularly by public authorities in BJP-governed states. Below are accounts of emblematic cases of the lack of domestic remedy.
Electoral authorities and higher judiciary fail to act to curb election-time spike in anti-minority hate speech
As detailed in the section on Advocacy of Religious Hatred, India’s 2024 General Election was marked by an unprecedented escalation in anti-minority hate speech, including by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other senior state officials.
However, India’s electoral authorities, which enjoy expansive powers, refused to take any meaningful action regarding this communal fearmongering, which had formed the core of the BJP’s election messaging. Regarding contentious speeches by Modi—including those where he made direct references to Muslims—the Election Commission of India (ECI) issued only a notice to the BJP’s President, without mentioning Modi. It took no further action despite Modi and other senior BJP leaders continuing their incendiary sectarian rhetoric through to the end of the election period.
In violation of the Supreme Court’s 2022 and 2023 directives to all state governments to take suo motu action in cases of hate speech, police in no state registered suo motu cases during the GE. Despite this flagrant refusal of the authorities to comply with its own directives, the SC and state-level High Courts refused to entertain pleas by petitioners seeking remedy.
Lack of remedy for victims of 2023 anti-Muslim violence in Haryana
The residents of Nuh (Haryana) marked the completion of one year since the anti-Muslim mass violence that had resulted in six deaths in July-August 2023, and in thousands of Muslims being forcibly displaced. In the post-violence state action that followed, government authorities had exclusively targeted Muslims, summarily demolishing over 1200 Muslim-owned residences and businesses, and conducting discriminatory mass arrests of over 400 Muslims. The vindictive state action had led a court to remark whether it was an ‘exercise in ethnic cleansing’.
Media reports revealed anecdotes of the continuing legal struggles faced by the region’s Muslims, and the fear and uncertainty that continues to grip them. Of those arrested, at least 30 people, including teenagers, are still languishing in jail.
Lack of remedy for victims of continuing ethnic violence in Manipur
Occasional outbreaks of violence continued to be reported from the north-eastern state of Manipur, which has been rocked by inter-ethnic violence since May 2023, between members of the predominantly-Hindu Meitei group and the predominantly-Christian Kuki-Zo tribes. The latest outbreaks took the total death toll to over 225, with Kukis accounting for the bulk of the casualties. The BJP-led state government in Manipur has been openly hostile towards the Kukis, who it has deemed terrorists and drug traffickers.
An Amnesty report condemned Indian authorities for being ‘missing in action’ and failing to end the cycle of violence and displacement, and for perpetuating impunity for members of armed Meitei militant groups. Amnesty found 32 instances of members of armed Meitei groups committing gender-based violence against those belonging to ethnic tribal communities, with none inviting prosecution by authorities. Amnesty also found at least three instances of members of tribal communities barriers in getting their complaints officially registered by police. Despite the Indian Supreme Court forming a committee in August 2023 to look into survivor relief, Amnesty found that the conditions in shelter camps, which still hold more than 50,000 internally displaced persons, continued to be dire.
Lack of remedy for victims of 2020 anti-Muslim violence in Delhi
The Delhi High Court ordered the transfer of the investigation into the death of a Muslim man, allegedly at the hands of police during the 2020 anti-Muslim violence in Delhi, to the Central Bureau of Investigation. A video of the incident had shown 23-year-old Faizan, along with several others, lying semi-conscious on the road while being assaulted by police officials and goaded to sing the national anthem.
The Court remarked that Delhi Police’s probe into its own officials so far had born ‘too little, too late’. The court also noted that the investigation had appeared to ‘conveniently spare’ police officials who were suspected to be involved in the incident. Delhi Police officials had been accused of involvement in at least 3 killings of Muslims during the 2020 violence that had left 53 dead in North-East Delhi. No arrests have been reported so far in any of these cases.
