India Persecution Tracker | 2024/5

Overview of human rights abuses and violations against India’s religious minorities from 1 September to 31 October, 2024.

KEY FIGURES
(1 September to 31 October, 2024):

STATE ACTORSNON-STATE ACTORS
3 Muslims killed
in police firing in two states;

2 Muslims grievously injured
in continuing ‘half-encounter’ shootings in Uttar Pradesh		Muslim woman and her 3-year-old daughter killed
by Hindu extremists in suspected hate crime
200+ instances of arbitrary arrest or detention of Muslims and Christians12 states where communal mass violence was reported, marked by dozens of injuries and widespread targeting of Muslim property and places of worship
4 instances of elected BJP legislators instigating violence—or exacerbating existing tensions—in locations from where mass violence was reported25+ injured in other religiously-motivated hate crimes by Hindu extremists.

During the period under review, September to October 2024, the situation for India’s religious minorities continued to be dire. Key developments included:

  • Police forces in provinces governed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) shot at and killed three Muslims – two during a forced eviction drive (Assam), and one amid inter-religious violence (Tripura). In Uttar Pradesh (UP), police forces shot at and grievously injured two Muslim men whom they claimed were involved in the murder of a Hindu man. A Muslim woman and her 3-year-old daughter were killed in a suspected hate crime by Hindu extremist non-state actors. (Maharashtra).
  • Powerful Hindu nationalist actors continued to openly incite hostility, discrimination, and violence against Muslims and Christians. BJP leaders, including elected legislators, were reported to have instigated violence—or exacerbated existing tensions—in five locations from where targeted mass violence was reported (Telangana, Gujarat, UP, Uttarakhand; Uttarakhand). Yati Narsinghanand, a popular Hindu priest who has previously courted controversy for his multiple calls for the genocide of Muslims, called on his followers to burn effigies of Prophet Mohammad. Alongside, Hindu extremist groups continued to organise public events where they openly advocated for social and economic boycotts as well as violence against Muslims.
  • Hateful anti-minority rhetoric was also used by the BJP’s top leadership, including Prime Minister Modi, who continued his election-time references to India’s Muslims as ‘infiltrators’, as well as state Chief Ministers Yogi Adityanath (Uttar Pradesh), Himanta Biswa Sharma (Assam), and Pushkar Singh Dhami (Uttarakhand), who continued to resort to hate rhetoric while also pursuing discriminatory policy measures against Muslims. In UP and Uttarakhand, authorities unveiled policy measures purportedly aimed at curbing ‘spit jihad’, an unfounded conspiracy theory alleging an organised plot by Muslims to endanger Hindus by spitting in and contaminating their food. The new measures—such as the mandatory public disclosure of the identity of owners and staff at eateries—run the risk of making Muslims easier targets for boycotts and violence by Hindu extremists.
  • Religious tensions and targeted mass violence against Muslims were reported from 12 states across the country (Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, Rajasthan, Telangana, Tripura, UP, Uttarakhand), mainly during Hindu religious festivities. Recurring patterns in each location included the playing/chanting of inflammatory (and often violent) slogans/speeches by Hindu processionists, the subsequent vandalism of Muslim residences, businesses and places of worship, as well as the tendency of state authorities in BJP-governed provinces to exclusively punish Muslims after the violence. In some states, like UP, these episodes of violence—erroneously termed ‘riots’—appeared to be orchestrated with upcoming elections in mind.
  • India’s draconian anti-conversion laws continued to be abused to harass and incarcerate Muslims and Christians, as well as inter-religious Hindu-Muslim couples. Alongside, minorities’ places of worship and prayer congregations continued to face violent and non-violent targeting by non-state Hindu extremist actors. The targeting of Muslims, both by state and non-state actors, also continued to be fuelled by India’s cow protection laws, with many state-level laws now having provisions that empower violent ‘vigilante’ groups to function in a quasi-official manner and assist with the implementation of these laws, with impunity.
  • Protests and other forms of dissent by minorities invited violent crackdowns from state authorities, who resorted to mass arrests and detentions, as well as arbitrary and punitive demolitions and evictions, to collectively punish Muslims. This pattern was observed in most BJP-governed states where targeted (and orchestrated) violence was reported, particularly UP, Gujarat and Uttarakhand. (Due to paucity of information, this update does not contain developments in Jammu & Kashmir, where such abuses by the state are common.)

India’s domestic mechanisms continued to largely fail to ensure effective remedy and accountability for these and past abuses, with state institutions and the judicial process remaining skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities:

  • India’s National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), which enjoys significant powers, remained silent regarding violations in BJP-governed states, particularly those against religious minorities. The only major notice issued during the period under review was regarding the use of excessive force by police forces in West Bengal, an opposition-governed state, against students protesting a rape-murder case. The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) continued to be weaponised against minorities, issuing a directive to state governments to cease funding to madrassas (Islamic educational institutions) across the country.
  • India’s Supreme Court stepped in to impose a temporary stay on arbitrary demolitions, as it drafts guidelines to be used in the future. Authorities in at least four BJP-governed states (Rajasthan, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand) appeared to flout the SC’s order and continued to carry out demolitions. Authorities in BJP-governed states also continued to use eviction notices to target minorities. Previous SC guidelines on curbing mob violence and hate speech continued to remain largely unheeded by public authorities. The SC continued to show little interest in entertaining petitions highlighting the flouting of its own guidelines.
  • Lower-level courts issued several verdicts with problematic implications for minorities: multiple courts in Uttar Pradesh ordered convictions under the state’s anti-conversion law, despite the lack of independent witnesses. Other courts appeared to provide credence to previously discredited anti-minority conspiracy theories like ‘love jihad’ and allegations of demographic overhaul, in their judgements.

Along with this persecution of religious minorities, Indian authorities also continued to target critical journalists and human rights defenders, arresting some (like journalists Mahesh Langa and Laba Yambem, and anti-mining activist Kartik Naik), while registering criminal cases against others (like fact-checker Mohammad Zubair). With PM Modi’s most recent claim, that forces in and outside India were trying to ‘destabilise the country and spread anarchy to create a negative image of the nation in the world’, the continuing crackdown against civil society seems like settled state policy. 

During the period under review, shootings by police forces led to at least three deaths, in Assam and Tripura, both BJP-governed states.

Two Muslim teenagers shot dead by police during forced eviction drive in Assam

12 September, 2024 (Kachutali, Assam): During a forced eviction operation in Kachutali village, near Guwahati, police forces shot and killed two 18-year-old Bengali-speaking Muslims.

Police claimed that the eviction—apparently to clear encroachments from land designated for tribals—had prompted violent resistance from the area’s residents, who allegedly ignored the police’s initial warning shots. Amid the clearance operations, locals criticised the selective targeting of Bengali Muslim families, alleging that around 60 Muslim families were evicted while non-Muslim residents were left undisturbed. By the end of the week, more than 140 homes had been demolished as part of the eviction drive.

Muslim man killed in police firing amid communal clashes in Tripura

6 October, 2024 (Kadamtala, Tripura):  A Muslim man (Alfesani) was killed in police firing amid violent communal clashes in Kadamtala area in North Tripura district (Tripura). Police was reported to have intervened with baton charges and, subsequently, opened fire to restore order. The victim was shot in the head during the firing.

Communal violence was reported to have erupted after a Muslim family, en route to Assam for medical treatment, refused a demand from a Durga Puja festivities organiser to make a cash donation. The violence that followed was marked by vandalism, looting, and arson. At least 17 persons were reported to have been injured.

At least eight persons, including five Puja organisers, were reported to have been arrested. Authorities also suspended mobile internet services for three days.

Tripura was one of 12 provinces that witnessed communal violence during the period under review. (See section on Torture – Non-State Actors)

Between June and August, there had been 18 such deaths, across four states. For more on these, see the previous edition of this Tracker here.

During the period under review, suspected hate crimes by Hindu extremist non-state actors resulted in three deaths, including that of a Muslim woman and her three-year-old daughter.  

Muslim woman and 3-year-old daughter killed by Hindu extremists in suspected hate crime

29 September, 2024 (Latur, Maharashtra): A Muslim woman and her three-year-old daughter were killed after suspected Hindu extremists ran over the motorcycle on which they were travelling.

While police claimed that the killings were the result of a road rage incident and not a hate crime, the woman’s husband—a co-passenger, along with their six-year-old son, both of whom survived with injuries—alleged that the assailants had chased the family, used religious slurs and stated that ‘Muslims need to be taught a lesson’, before mowing them down. Five arrests were reported.

Hindu teenager killed by cow vigilantes who mistook him for a Muslim cattle smuggler

3 September, 2024 (Faridabad, Haryana): A 17-year-old Hindu youth travelling in a car was chased and killed by alleged ‘cow vigilantes’ who reportedly mistook him for a Muslim cattle smuggler.

The five assailants, who have since been arrested, opened fire at the car, first hitting the victim near the neck and then in the chest. One of the attackers was later reported to have expressed remorse for ‘killing a Brahmin’.

Police denied social media reports that the assailants belonged to Haryana’s official cow protection force. However, at least one of the assailants is known to have previously worked closely with police in cattle smuggling cases.

Between June and August, suspected hate crimes by Hindu extremists, including religiously-motivated mob lynchings, had resulted in 12 deaths. For more on these, see the previous edition of this tracker here.

The period under review was marked by arbitrary arrests and detentions of Muslims and Christians under multiple pretexts. In Assam, dozens of Muslim were declared non-citizens and sent to mass detention camps. Episodes of communal violence across the country, typically initiated by Hindu extremists, were followed by selective and arbitrary mass detentions or arrests of Muslims. Christians in BJP-governed states continued to be arrested under India’s draconian anti-conversion laws.

28 Muslims, including 9 women, sent to mass detention camps in Assam after being declared non-citizens

1 September, 2024 (Barpeta, Assam): 28 Muslims, including 9 women, were detained and taken to a ‘transit camp’, shortly after they were declared non-citizens by a Foreigners Tribunal (FT).

‘Transit camp’ is the official term for mass detention camps in Assam that are meant to hold non-citizens while they await deportation. FTs are the quasi-judicial bodies that are empowered to declare state residents as ‘foreigners’.

Previously, an Amnesty International report had found that the FT process is ‘awash with anti-Muslim prejudice’ and marked by ‘serious procedural concerns’. A National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) report had noted that Assam’s detention camps are characterised by sub-standard, prison-like conditions, where children are separated from their parents. In 2019, India had amended its citizenship law, fast-tracking the pathway to Indian citizenship for non-Muslim refugees from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. The law had come into effect earlier this year. Subsequently, in July, the BJP government in Assam had issued a directive to border police, asking them to refer undocumented immigrants to FTs only if they are Muslims. The directive had also urged border police to ‘advise’ undocumented immigrants from other faiths to apply for citizenship under the new pathway.

200+ Muslims arrested or detained across the country on various pretexts

During the period under review, over 200 Muslims across the country were selectively arrested or detained in the aftermath of communal clashes, typically initiated by Hindu extremists. (See Torture: Non-State Actors – Mass Violence) Other instances of Muslims being arrested or detained on spurious charges included:

  • 9 October, 2024 (Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh): A Muslim woman was arrested after she fed pieces of meat to stray dogs near a temple. Angry locals demanded her arrest alleging that it was an attempt to disturb the peace during the Hindu Navratri festival.
  • 10 October, 2024 (Ajmer, Rajasthan): Wajid Khan, a Muslim journalist, was arrested after he posted social media content expressing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza. Police alleged that Khan was attempting to disrupt communal harmony.

36+ Christians arrested across the country under anti-conversion laws

India’s stringent anti-conversion laws, which are now in place in 12 states, continued to be weaponised against Christians. During the period under review, we documented 36 arrests under these laws, all in BJP-governed states.

  • 15 September, 2024 (Sultanpur, UP): Ten Christians, including six women and a pastor, were arrested during a Sunday prayer service after a BJP-affiliated Hindu group alleged that they were illegally converting Dalits.
  • 18 September, 2024 (Betul, Madhya Pradesh): Three Christians who ran a coaching centre were arrested after Hindu extremist groups accused them of attempting to convert Hindu students to Christianity.
  • 24 September, 2024 (Dasna, UP): Five individuals, including a pastor, were arrested after Hindu extremists accused them of converting people under the pretext of curing illness.
  • 29 September, 2024 (Ayodhya, UP): Three individuals were arrested at a Christian prayer service after Hindu extremist groups alleged they were involved in unlawful conversions.
  • 2 October, 2024 (Rampur, Uttar Pradesh): Four employees of a coaching centre were arrested after Hindu extremists alleged that they were luring Hindu students to Christianity by offering free coaching, meals, and healthcare.
  • 7 October, 2024 (Bhagwanpur, Bihar): Eleven female evangelists from Hyderabad and seven local Christians were arrested for allegedly distributing gospel books to school children.

Also see section on Religious Freedom for more on the abuse of provincial-level anti-conversion laws.

During the period under review, state police forces in Uttar Pradesh continued to injure Muslims in staged ‘half-encounter’ shootings. India also saw continued to witness heightened communal tensions, with targeted mass violence episodes—erroneously termed ‘riots’ in popular discourse—against Muslims reported from 12 states. Other communally-motivated hate crimes against Muslims and Christians continued across the country.

UP Police grievously injure 2 more Muslims in continuing ‘half-encounter’ shootings

17 October, 2024 (Bahraich, Uttar Pradesh): Uttar Pradesh police forces shot at and injured two Muslims, whom they claimed were suspects in the murder of a Hindu man amid communal violence in Bahraich district. Police alleged that the victims, who sustained bullet injuries in the leg’, were attempting to evade custody.

The shootings, known as ‘half encounters’ in local parlance, were in addition to at least 25 other similar shootings we have documented so far this year, all in Uttar Pradesh. It is widely alleged that many, if not most, such shootings are staged by police, usually against individuals already in their custody.

Since 2017, when the BJP’s Yogi Adityanath assumed charge as the state’s Chief Minister, UP Police has shot and killed over 190 individuals—disproportionately Muslims—in such alleged staged ‘encounters’, as part of his ‘thok do’ (knock down) policy, purportedly to curb crime. By April 2023, they were also reported to have injured 5,046 individuals in ‘half-encounter’ shootings not resulting in death. (See our mapping of 24 such ‘half-encounter’ shootings between February and August 2024, all targeting Muslims accused of cattle trading, here.)

During the period under review, episodes of religiously-motivated mass violence initiated by Hindu extremists were reported from twelve states, mostly around or during Hindu festivals, resulting in hundreds of injuries. In the aftermath of these episodes, authorities in BJP-governed states continued to selectively and arbitrarily punish Muslims, via mass arrests and punitive demolitions. And throughout the period under review, Muslims and Christians, including the Dalits and Adivasis among them, continued to be violently targeted on various other pretexts, such as cow protection, religious conversion, and inter-faith relationships.

Dozens injured amid religious tensions and mass violence initiated by Hindu extremists across 12 states

Throughout the period under review, episodes of religiously-motivated mass violence initiated by Hindu extremists were reported from five states, resulting in dozens of injuries. The Hindu festivals of Ganesh Chaturti and Durga Puja provided the pretext for BJP-linked extremists to initiate low intensity ‘riots’, with recurring patterns being the chanting/playing of inflammatory (and often violent) slogans/speeches and the vandalism of Muslim residences, businesses and places of worship, as well as the tendency of state authorities in BJP-governed provinces to exclusively punish Muslims after the violence. In some states, like Uttar Pradesh, the ‘riots’ appeared to be orchestrated ahead of upcoming elections.

  • Andhra Pradesh
    In Andhra Pradesh, where a BJP-supported government assumed power in June, religious tensions and violence were reported on 3 September, 2024, in Chittoor district. The violence after a cricket ball being used by Muslim youngsters allegedly hit the relative of a local BJP leader. The clashes that followed were marked by rival Hindu and Muslims mobs ransacking vehicles and properties belonging to the other community. Dozens of injuries were reported.

  • Bihar
    On 14 October, a Durga Puja procession in Sitamarhi turned violent, as Hindu extremists looted and vandalised Muslim-owned shops, shouted provocative slogans and harassed Muslim residents. A police official who attempted to de-escalate the situation was reportedly verbally abused and manhandled. Five arrests were reported.

  • Gujarat

    • On 8 September, religious tensions and violence were reported from Kathlal, following a road accident involving a car driven by a Muslim man from Godhra and a motorbike ridden by a Hindu resident. The incident quickly escalated as Hindu mobs attacked and vandalized several Muslim-owned shops, as well as a local idgah.
    • On 8 September, violence was reported during Ganesh Chaturti celebrations in Surat, where a group of minors allegedly from the Muslim community pelted stones at a temporary platform set up for the festivities. Police resorted to baton charges and tear gas, and detained over 32 individuals, mostly Muslims, including several minors. Videos circulating online appeared to show police breaking into Muslim homes at night and detaining residents, with some detained individuals later seen limping, suggesting custodial torture.

      A local BJP MLA (Kanti Balar) was reported to have gathered at the local police station and further incited tensions. A Hindu crowd was seen chanting ‘bulldozer, bulldozer,’ demanding the demolition of Muslim residences in the area. The next day, local authorities removed multiple structures that they claimed were ‘encroachments’ by those accused of involvement in the violence.
    • On 10 September, religious tensions and violence were reported from Bharuch, apparently over a dispute regarding the installation of a religious flag. At least two individuals were reportedly injured in stone-pelting, and over 17 persons detained.

  • Himachal Pradesh
    During the period under review, opposition-governed Himachal Pradesh (HP) witnessed continuing anti-Muslim mobilisation led by Hindu extremist groups.

    • On 16 September, violence erupted in Sanjauli, Shimla, after Hindu extremists protested against what they claimed was the illegal expansion of a local mosque. The mosque had become the focal point of communal tensions during a local altercation, during which a Muslim assailant reportedly took shelter in the mosque premises. Hindu mobs later broke through police barricades, pelted stones, and clashed with police. Authorities resorted to baton charge and water cannons to disperse the mob.

      Later, anti-mosque protests spread to at least five other districts across the state.

      The unrest also prompted the Shimla Municipal Court to order the removal of parts of the mosque, citing unauthorised construction. In a show of compliance and in an attempt to foster community harmony, mosque authorities began the demolition on 22 October. 
    • On 27 September, Hindu mobs enraged by the vandalism of a temple marched through the streets in Nagrota, and vandalised several Muslim-run shops. CCTV footage later revealed that the perpetrator of the temple vandalism was a Hindu woman.

    In June, Hindu extremist mobs in Nahan had carried out targeted attacks against Muslim businesses, leading at least 16 Muslim shop owners to shut their businesses and flee.

    The uptick in anti-Muslim violence in HP is noteworthy, as it is an opposition (Congress Party) led government that is in charge in the state. HP authorities also appeared to follow BJP-governed states in unveiling policy measures that critics say would endanger Muslims and Muslim-run businesses, before putting them on hold. (See section on Discrimination in Access to Economic, Social & Cultural Rights.)

  • Karnataka

    • On September 10, violence erupted in Mandya during a Ganesh idol immersion procession. Clashes between Hindu and Muslims mobs were marked by stone-pelting, vandalism, and arson, with dozens of shops and half-a-dozen vehicles reportedly set ablaze. Multiple individuals were injured as police intervened with baton charges to restore order, ultimately arresting 52 people. Hindu extremists fuelled tensions further by falsely claiming that a local mosque was built illegally.
    • On September 16, Hindu extremists in at least three towns in Dakshina Kannada targeted mosques ahead of the Eid-e-Milad festival. On at least one occasion, in Katipalla, Hindu mobs pelted at a mosque.

    Dakshina Kannada has seen a marked rise in religious tensions and anti-Muslim violence in recent, with extremist Hindu groups continuing to target minorities despite a non-BJP government assuming power in the state in 2023.

  • Madhya Pradesh

    • On 7 September, 2024, religious tensions and violence were reported in Ratlam, after unidentified miscreants flung stones at a Hindu procession. A senior police official who had reportedly blamed Hindu groups for initiating the violence was later transferred.
    • On 16 October, 2024, Hindu extremists reportedly pelted stones at a Muslim religious procession in Mandsaur, and vandalised and looted multiple Muslim-owned businesses.

  • Odisha
    In Odisha, where a BJP-led government assumed power in June, there has been a significant uptick in religious tensions and violence, with Muslims (including migrant workers) and Christians facing violence. Incidents reported during the period under review included:

    • On 8 September, 2024, Hindu extremists attacked a Christian pastor and several members of his church during a Sunday worship service in Bhubaneshwar. The extremists accused the church of forcefully converting Hindus to Christianity.
    • On 26 September, 2024, religious tensions and violence were reported after local Muslims in Bhadrak organised protests against an anti-Muslim social media post by a Hindu man. Police resorted to baton charge, resulting in several injuries. Internet services were suspended for over four days.

  • Rajasthan
    On 14 September, 2024, religious tensions and violence erupted in Shahpura after armed Hindu extremists chanted inflammatory slogans outside a mosque. Dozens of Muslim-owned shops were looted, vandalised, and set on fire. A local BJP MLA was reported to have further inflamed tensions, calling for the demolition of a mosque.

    On 25 October, 2024, religious tensions and violence were reported in Bhilwara, following a dispute over the bursting of firecrackers. At least two individuals, both Hindus, were reported to have been injured. Angry mobs subsequently torched multiple vehicles, including an ambulance.

    In August, Rajasthan had witnessed religious tensions and violence in Udaipur and Bhilwara districts, with Hindu extremists assaulting Muslims and vandalising dozens of Muslim-owned businesses.

  • Telangana
    In early September, violence broke out in Jainoor, Asifabad district, following allegations that an Adivasi woman was sexually assaulted by a Muslim man. Hindu mobs subsequently attacked, looted, and set fire to Muslim-owned shops, homes, vehicles, and mosques. A civil society report later found that local leaders of the BJP and the Bharat Rashtra Samithi (the regional opposition party with whom the BJP is reportedly exploring an alliance) had instigated Adivasi villagers against the Muslim community, mobilising the crowds that carried out the attacks.

    More minor surfacing of religious tensions from across the state were reported throughout the month, but were relatively subdued due to police intervention.

    On 23 October, violence flared up again, in Sangareddy district, after Hindu mobs protesting the vandalism of a temple attacked multiple Muslim-owned properties.

  • Tripura
    On 6 October, 2024,  a Muslim man (Alfesani) was killed in police firing amid violent communal clashes in Kadamtala area in North Tripura district (Tripura). Police was reported to have intervened with lathi charges and, subsequently, opened fire to restore order. The victim was shot in the head during the firing.

    Violence was reported to have erupted after a Muslim family, en route to Assam for medical treatment, refused a demand from a Durga Puja festivities organiser to make a cash donation. The violence that followed was marked by vandalism, looting, and arson. At least 17 persons were reported to have been injured.

    At least eight persons, including five Puja organisers, were reported to have been arrested. Authorities also suspended mobile internet services for three days.

    Religious tensions rose again in North Tripura, in Pekucherra area, with reports of a temple and a mosque being vandalised.

  • Uttar Pradesh

    BJP-governed Uttar Pradesh witnessed multiple religious flare-ups, ahead of legislative assembly by-polls scheduled for November, 2024.

    • Ghaziabad: On September 29, extremist Hindu priest Yati Narsinghanand (who had previously courted controversy by calling for the genocide of Muslims) sparked communal tensions when he addressed a public gathering, made incendiary remarks about Islam’s Prophet Mohammad, and incited people to burn effigies of the Prophet.

      Narsinghanand’s remarks led to widespread protests across the state by Muslims demanding his arrest. While Narsinghanand was reportedly detained subsequently for a brief period of time, two BJP MLAs inflamed tensions further and advocated for anti-Muslim violence: Nand Kishore Gurjar (MLA, Loni constituency) called for Muslim protesters to be shot dead in ‘encounters’, and Shalabh Mani Tripathi (MLA, Deoria constituency) called for Muslim protestors to be given ‘a taste of Israel’.

      Mass arrests of Muslim protesters were reported from Ghaziabad, Bulandshahr and Saharanpur.
    • Barabanki: Religious tensions were reported on 13 October, 2024, after a Durga Puja procession halted at a predominantly-Muslim village and raised inflammatory slogans and music. Local Muslims alleged that the mob threw slippers, shoes and beer cans at a local mosque.
    • Bahraich: On 13 October, 2024, violence erupted in Bahraich’s Maharajganj area during a Durga Puja idol immersion that passed through a predominantly Muslim neighbourhood, while playing provocative music and chanting inflammatory slogans.

      Violence erupted after the Hindu mob alleged that stones at pelted at them by Muslims. The shooting of a Hindu man – who was seen on video breaking an Islamic flag in the premises of a Muslim-owned building and aggressively waving a saffron Hindu flag, as a mob cheered him on – escalated violence further, as Hindu rioters vandalised shops and torched vehicles, buildings, and a private hospital. The situation remained volatile through to the next day, with mobs armed with sticks and rods continuing to roam the streets. Videos appeared to show police marching along with Hindu rioters as they destroyed Muslim-owned property.

      A BJP MLA (Shalabh Mani Tripathi) inflamed tensions further by sharing a list of Muslim journalists covering the violence, questioning their neutrality.

      Days later, on 17 October, police shot at and injured two Muslims, whom they said are suspects in the Hindu man’s killing and claimed were attempting to flee custody.

      On 19 October, civil authorities issued eviction notices to Muslim residents of the area, alleging that they were residing in illegal constructions and that failure to comply with the three-day compliance deadline would result in demolition and recovery of costs. The notices led to dozens of Muslims vacating their homes and shops.

      Later, a video surfaced online showing two Hindu men purportedly admitting to their involvement in the ‘pre-planned’ ‘sponsored’ anti-Muslim violence, during which they claimed the police gave them a ‘free hand’ for two hours.  While the two men were subsequently arrested, police officials dismissed their claims as ‘ramblings’ of drunken men.

      At least 87 people have been arrested in connection with the violence, mostly Muslims.
    • Deoria: Religious tensions and violence were reported on 16 October, after two Hindu men were reportedly stabbed by a Muslim man with whom they had a scuffle during a Durga Puja procession. The accused man was subsequently arrested.
    • Domariyaganj: Religious tensions were reported on 13 October after a Hindu mob led by a BJP leader disrupted a fruits distribution drive organised by a Muslim MP of the opposition Samajwadi Party. Hindu extremists accused the organisers of being ‘beef eaters’ and of attempting to ‘corrupt their religion’.
    • Kaushambi: Religious tensions and violence were reported on two separate days – on October 9 and on 12 October, with reports of inflammatory songs and slogans being raised at Durga Puja processions moving through predominantly Muslim neighbourhoods.

    Opposition parties have continued to allege that the recent uptick in religious violence is attributable to the BJP’s relatively weak performance in the state during the recently-concluded General Election, and its attempts to mobilise Hindu voters ahead of the upcoming bypolls.

  • Uttarakhand

    BJP-governed Uttarakhand witnessed heightened anti-Muslim sentiment and violence throughout the period under review.

    • In early-September, communal unrest erupted in Chamoli’s Nandanagar area following allegations that a Muslim man had made an obscene gesture towards a Hindu girl. Hindu mobs subsequently vandalised and looted half a dozen Muslim-owned shops, that were reportedly specifically identified before being attacked. The violence reportedly forced eight Muslim families, long-time residents of the areas, to abandon their homes and flee to safer locations.
    • On 8 September, following demands by Hindu extremists advocating for the expulsion of ‘illegal’ migrants, state government authorities initiated a ‘verification drive’ to act against incidents of ‘demographic change, religious conversion and love jihad’. The verification drive intensified existing religious tensions, with Hindu extremist groups doubling down on their calls for the social and economic boycott of Muslims.
    • On 25 September, violence erupted at the railway station in Dehradun, after Hindu and Muslim groups confronted each other, reportedly over an inter-faith couple. The two groups pelted stones at each other and damaged parked trains.
    • On 2 October, a local BJP functionary organised a hate rally in Srinagar, Pauri Garhwal, calling for the economic and social boycott of Muslims, and incited attendees to ‘burn Muslim-owned shops’.
    • On 15 October, communal violence flared again in Chamoli, in Gauchar area, reportedly following a dispute between Hindu and Muslim youths over parking. Hindu mobs vandalised multiple Muslim-owned shops and damaged signboards.
    • On 24 October, a protest organised by a Hindu extremist network (Sanyukt Sanatan Dharm Rakshak Sangh) turned violent in Uttarkashi. Despite a previously agreed protest route, participants insisted on marching toward a mosque, leading to clashes with police. The mosque, confirmed by officials to be legally established on Muslim-owned land, has remained a focal point of local tensions, with Hindu protestors continuing to claim that it was illegally built and demanding its demolition.

    Uttarakhand has witnessed a steady rise in religious tensions and anti-Muslim violence in recent years, with Hindu extremist groups allied to the BJP seeking to drive Muslims out and establish the state as a punyabhoomi (holy land) for the Hindus. This campaign has manifested in occasional outbreaks of anti-Muslim violence, as well as persistent and widespread calls for their social and economic boycott. The BJP-led state administration has, instead of acting to curb incitement and violence, carried out its own parallel targeting campaign against Muslims.

25+ injured in other violent assaults by Hindu extremists across India

During the period under review, religious minority Muslims and Christians continued to face other violent attacks by Hindu extremists, including many with close links to the ruling BJP, and often in collusion with police forces. Attacks against Muslims continued to be fuelled by cow protection laws that are now in place in 20 of India’s states, and attacks against Christians continued to be fuelled by anti-conversion laws now active in 11 states.

  • 1 September, 2024 (Cuttack, Odisha): Two Muslim men were assaulted by Hindu extremists who accused them of transporting cattle.
  • 3 September, 2024 (Sheikhpura, Bihar): Muslim driver and non-Muslim handyman assaulted by Hindu extremists for transporting cattle.
  • 3 September, 2024 (Deeg, Rajasthan): Four Muslim men assaulted and grievously injured by Hindu extremist cow vigilantes.
  • 5 September, 2024 (Baksa, Assam): Two Bengali-speaking Muslim men were assaulted by unidentified assailants, in separate incidents.
  • 5 September, 2024 (Pilibhit, Uttar Pradesh): Muslim youth assaulted by Hindu extremists who accused him of being in an inter-religious relationship.
  • 5 September, 2024 (Beed, Maharashtra): Muslim trader grievously injured by Hindu extremists who assaulted him after falsely accusing him of stealing cows. Four assailants were reportedly arrested.
  • 13 September, 2024 (Haryana-Rajasthan border): A Muslim driver was assaulted by Hindu extremists for allegedly transporting cattle.
  • 18 September, 2024 (Bhiwandi, Maharashtra): Three Muslim men assaulted by Hindu extremists and forced to chant religious slogans.
  • 21 September, 2024 (Hazaribagh, Jharkhand): Muslim shopkeeper assaulted by Hindu extremists chanting religious slogans.
  • 26 September, 2024 (Morigaon, Assam): Muslim staff at a restaurant harassed and humiliated by Hindu extremists who accused them of selling beef.
  • 27 September, 2024 (Jaipur, Rajasthan): Muslim vegetable vendor assaulted by Hindu extremists who accused him of being an illegal migrant from Bangladesh.
  • 3 October, 2024 (Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh): A Muslim man was assaulted by Hindu extremists for attempting to enter a Hindu ‘Dandiya’ dance event.
  • 5 October, 2024 (Amethi, Uttar Pradesh): An elderly Muslim man was assaulted with sticks by a Hindu man for begging in a neighbourhood predominantly inhabited by Hindus.
  • 17 October, 2024 (Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh): Five Muslims were injured in a targeted stabbing attack by a Hindu man, who was later arrested.

The perpetrators of such anti-minority violence at the local level are often accommodated and rewarded by the BJP. For example, two elected BJP legislators—T. Raja Singh of Telangana and Nitesh Rane of Maharashtra—have continued to promise protection to Hindus who engage in violence against Muslims in the pursuit of ‘Hindu causes’ such as the protection of cows. In recent months, these legislators as well as the leaders of  ‘cow vigilante’ groups have urged their associates to apply for gun licences en masse. Violent Hindu outfits such as the Bajrang Dal have also continued to organise camps across the country where participants are being distributed weapons and trained in their use. (See section on Advocacy of Religious Hatred).

  • During the period under review, India continued to witness escalated levels of ‘top’ and ‘intermediate’ level hate speech targeted at religious minorities.  (‘Top’ level hate speech is prohibited by international law, constituting direct incitement to hostility, discrimination, or violence; ‘Intermediate’ level hate speech may be prohibited by states—and are prohibited by India—to protect the rights or reputations of others, or for the protection of national security or of public order, or of public health or morals. See UN guidance here.)

  • ‘Top’ level incitement events continued unabated in public rallies and events, particularly in states like Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, Assam, and Gujarat, among others. Public hate rallies and events were organised by BJP allies operating under the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ecosystem, such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its youth wing Bajrang Dal, as well as other, localised Hindu extremist groups. Speakers at these events included influential figures such as Yati Narsinghanand Saraswati (who inflamed communal tensions across Uttar Pradesh by calling on his followers to burn an effigy of Prophet Mohammad), Kajal Shingala, and Suresh Chavhanke, who continued to openly and directly incite hostility, discrimination or violence towards Muslims.
  • Recurring figures at such events also included elected BJP officials, such as T. Raja Singh (MLA, Telangana) and Nitesh Rane (MLA, Maharashtra), who continued to make prohibited ‘top’ level hate speeches despite the registration of multiple FIRs against them. While both Rane and Singh are known to have had dozens of FIRs registered against them across the country, there has been no meaningful progress in any of the investigations. Both have remained free to continue to incite hostility, discrimination and violence.
  • During the period under review, the preponderance of anti-Muslim hate rhetoric translated into episodes of targeted mass violence in 12 states. (See section on Torture: Non-State Actors). In at least five of these episodes, the actions and speeches of senior BJP leaders were reported to have contributed to or further inflamed communal tensions.
Date and locationAlleged BJP role in incitement
Jainoor, Telangana
(Early September, 2024)		Local BJP leaders are alleged to have incited Adivasi villagers against Muslims following an alleged sexual assault incident, leading to mob violence targeting Muslim properties.
Surat, Gujarat
(8 September, 2024)		BJP MLA Kantibhai Balar is alleged to have incited communal tensions after violence during Ganesh Chaturti festivities, demanding the demolitions of Muslim residences and inciting a mob outside a police station.
Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh
(29 September, 2024)		BJP MLAs Nand Kishore Gurjar and Shalabh Mani Tripathi are reported to have made inflammatory statements calling for violence against Muslim protesters following contentious remarks made by extremist Hindu monk Yati Narsinghanand.
Srinagar, Uttarakhand
(2 October, 2024)		BJP leader Lakhpat Bhandari was reported to have led a rally calling for an economic boycott of Muslims, and allegedly encouraged the burning of Muslim, owned shops.
Bahraich, Uttar Pradesh
(13 October, 2024)		Following the eruption of communal violence, BJP MLA Shalabh Mani Tripathi was reported to have shared a list of Muslim journalists covering the violence, casting doubt on their neutrality and fuelling suspicions against the Muslim community as a whole.
  • Other noteworthy episodes included the distribution of swords by BJP MLA Mithilesh Kumar to Hindus in his constituency in Sitamarhi (Bihar), and the harassment by BJP MLA Balmukund Acharya of Muslim women who had gathered for prayers in Jaipur (Rajasthan). Separately, Acharya was also reported to have led a Hindu ‘Rashtra’ (Nation) rally through predominantly-Muslim neighbourhoods in Jaipur.  

  • These provocative—and mostly illegal—speeches and actions by mid-level BJP leaders received a fillip from Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who continued his election-time rhetoric of referring to Muslims as ‘infiltrators’ and other pejoratives. (See our analysis of hate speech during India’s 2024 General Election here.) Ahead of provincial-level elections scheduled in Jharkhand in November 2024, Modi accused the opposition-led state government of aligning with ‘infiltrators’, ‘Bangladeshis’ and ‘infiltrators’, whom he claimed are engaged in ‘love jihad’ and ‘land jihad’ against local tribals. Other state-level elected leaders of the BJP, such as Assam Chief Minister (CM) Himanta Biswa Sarma, Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath, and Uttarakhand CM Pushkar Singh Dhammi, also continued to keep their crosshairs fixed on Muslims, targeting them via hateful rhetoric as well as discriminatory policies and actions.

During the period under review, BJP-governed states continued to abuse provincial-level anti-conversion laws to criminalise and incarcerate Christian faith leaders and Muslim men accused of being in inter-religious relationships. Minorities’ places of worship and other religious structures continued to come under attack by Hindu extremist non-state actors.

(Also see section on Arrests and Detentions.)

First wave of convictions under Uttar Pradesh’s anti-conversion law continues

During the period under review, Uttar Pradesh continued to report convictions of Muslims and Christians under the state’s anti-conversion law, enacted in 2020.

  • On 11 September, a local court in Lucknow sentenced 12 Muslims, including prominent scholars Maulana Kaleem Siddiqui and Umar Gautam, to life imprisonment for their alleged role in unlawful convictions. An additional four persons received ten-year prison terms. The court, in its 264-page verdict, described the convicts’ as being involved in ‘extensive unconventional warfare’ against the Indian state, and as aiming to transform India into a ‘Dar-ul-Islam’ (House of Islam).
  • On 26 September, in a separate case, a local court in Azamgarh convicted three Christians on charges of attempted ‘mass conversion’ of a BJP worker, sentencing them to six years of rigorous imprisonment. The case reportedly relied heavily on the testimony of the BJP worker, with no independent witnesses presented.

UP is one of eight BJP-governed states that have, since 2017, introduced new laws or added more stringent provisions to existing laws to regulate religious conversions out of Hinduism. These new laws, like other pre-existing laws elsewhere in the country, proscribe religious conversions by means of force, coercion, fraud, and other prohibited laws. Additionally, they have also specifically sought to leverage and fuel the ‘love jihad’ conspiracy theory, by introducing restrictive conditions on inter-faith marriages. Conversions to Hinduism are specifically kept out of the ambit of these laws. These laws have continued to be abused to criminalise and incarcerate Christian faith leaders as well as Muslim men in inter-religious relationships. (See section on Arrests and Detentions.)

In July, UP’s state assembly had enacted amendments to its anti-conversion law, introducing stricter penalties and broadening its scope. 

Central government proposes changes to Waqf Act

The BJP-led central government has proposed changes to the Waqf Act, which regulates properties donated by Muslims for religious, educational, or charitable purposes.

Currently, each state has a Waqf Board responsible for managing such properties. The central government has announced 44 changes to the Act, including curbing the authority of the Boards, allowing non-Muslims to be part of the Boards, and giving the government greater overall control over them, potentially enabling the takeover of waqf properties.  

The proposed amendments are now under the consideration of a joint parliamentary committee.

Instances of minority religious structures and prayer services being targeted by Hindu extremists

  • Mosques and other Muslim religious structures continued to be the target of Hindu extremists’ ire during episodes of targeted mass violence. (See section on Torture: Non-State Actors.) Violent attacks on mosques were reported in Himachal Pradesh (Shimla, 16 September), Karnataka (Dakshina Kannada, 16 September), Telangana (Jainoor, early September), Rajasthan (Shahpura, 14 September), and Uttarakhand (Uttarkashi, 24 October). Mass protests calling for the demolitions of allegedly illegally-constructed mosques were reported from across Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand.
  • Similarly, Hindu extremists also continued to target Christian churches and prayer services. Violent attacks against congregations were reported from Odisha (Bhubaneswar, 8 September) and Uttar Pradesh (Jagatsinghpur, 13 September), among other locations. Threats, harassment and other forms of disruption of prayer services were reported from across the country, including Maharashtra, Bihar, and several locations in Uttar Pradesh, throughout the period under review.

The trends and violations detailed in previous sections also continued to have discriminatory impacts on minorities’ access to economic, social, and cultural rights, including livelihoods and education. There were also instances of minority housing and livelihoods being directly targeted by state actors.

Continuing punitive demolition and attachment of Muslim-owned property by authorities in BJP-governed states, despite SC directive

In a report published in February, Amnesty International had investigated similar punitive demolitions of 128 properties belong to Muslims that had been carried out In Assam, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi between April and June 2022, all in Muslim-concentration localities. The report found that at least 617 people, including men, women, and children, were adversely impacted by these demolitions, being either rendered homeless or deprived of their sole livelihood. The investigation further concluded that there was an ‘absolute failure of the state authorities to ensure that the survivors of these demolitions were afforded due process protections, including an opportunity for genuine consultation, adequate and reasonable notice, and provision of legal remedies and access to legal aid.’

On 2 September, while hearing pleas from two Muslim men seeking remedy for the punitive demolition of their homes, India’s Supreme Court announced its intention to frame uniform, pan-India guidelines for demolitions of ‘illegal constructions’. On 17 September, the SC imposed an interim stay—now extended, and still active—on all demolitions in the country without its prior permission, while clarifying that the order would not apply to ‘unauthorised structures’ in public places and in cases where a demolition order has been issued by a court of law.

Reported instances of seemingly arbitrary (and often punitive) demolitions carried out before the SC order included:

  • Following communal violence in Surat (Gujarat) on 8 September, and after Hindu extremists demanded the demolition of Muslim residences in the area, local authorities were reported to have removed multiple structures they labelled as ‘encroachments’ by those allegedly involved in the violence.
  • On 12 September, a building in Jaipur (Rajasthan) was reportedly demolished after a dead cow was found in the basement.
  • On 14 September, following allegations of stone-pelting at a Hindu religious procession in Bhilwara (Rajasthan), local authorities reportedly demolished several Muslim-owned properties.

Despite the SC’s orders—and the its oral observations condemning punitive demolitions— authorities in BJP-governed states carried out at least four more physical demolitions:

  • On 17 October, local authorities in Gir Somnath (Gujarat) reportedly razed several Muslim religious structures.
  • On 19 October, district authorities in Bahadarabad (Uttarakhand) reportedly demolished a Muslim mausoleum.
  • On 20 October, district authorities in Jaipur (Rajasthan) demolished a portion of a building allegedly constructed by a Muslim father-son due who had been arrested for allegedly stabbing RSS workers.
  • On 21 October, authorities in Kanpur (UP) demolished a restaurant owned by a Muslim man, after Hindu extremists accused its owner of disguising his religious identity and serving non-vegetarian food.

The SC is reported to have refused to engage with at least two petitions highlighting this apparent flouting of its own directives.

In other BJP-ruled states, authorities continued the trend of using eviction notices to collectively target and punish Muslims:

  • On 19 October, following communal violence in Bahraich (Uttar Pradesh), local authorities issued eviction notices to Muslim residents of the Maharajganj village, alleging that they were residing in illegal constructions and warning that failure to comply with the three-day compliance deadline would result in demolition and recovery of costs. The notices reportedly led to dozens of local Muslims vacating their homes and shops.
  • Separately, on 16 October, following an order of the Allahabad High Court, local authorities in Sambhal (UP) evicted over 80 long-residing Muslim families in the Bahjoi area, citing ‘illegal construction’ and ‘encroachments’.

It remains to be seen how effective the SC’s impending guidelines will be in curbing the use of arbitrary demolitions. The UN Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing—who told the SC that such demolitions are an ‘aggravated form of human rights violations’—offered to assist the SC in the formulation of the guidelines, but had his intervention request rejected. Previous SC directives, such as those on curbing mob violence and hate speech, have seen little uptake by public authorities.

Authorities in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand announce ‘spit jihad’ policy measures, endangering Muslims

During the period under review, two BJP-governed states announced policy measures giving credence to ‘spit jihad’, an unfounded conspiracy theory alleging an organised plot by Muslims to endanger Hindus by spitting in and contaminating their food.

In Uttar Pradesh, the state government announced plans to introduce measures to curb the so-called contamination of food and beverages with spit, human waste, and other materials. Reports suggest that two potential ordinances are under consideration – one targeting spitting and ‘anti-harmony’ activities, and another criminalising food contamination. Measures slated to be introduced include, inter alia, the mandatory display of owners’ and managers’ names at eateries (a directive already issued to all eateries in the state, as of 25 September), and punitive measures against food establishment employees confirmed to be ‘illegal foreign citizens’.

Following Uttar Pradesh’s announcement, the Uttarakhand state government too announced stringent guidelines that it claimed were aimed at preventing ‘spit jihad’. Police authorities specified that offenders would face charges under existing sections related to food adulteration, public nuisance, and, if applicable, incitement of religious enmity, under the existing penal code.

In July, ahead of the Hindu kanwariya pilgrimage, authorities in both UP and Uttarakhand had issued directives to eateries and other business establishments along the pilgrimage route to prominently display the names of their proprietors and of those working for them. These orders had been stayed by the SC. (In September, a minister in Himachal Pradesh, governed by the opposition Congress Party, had issued a similar order; however, the state government subsequently distanced itself from the directive.)

Such measures serve the twin purposes of normalising and deepening anti-Muslim conspiracy theories and hate, as well as enabling the easy identification and targeting of Muslim workers and Muslim-owned businesses. Hindu extremists across the country continue to openly call for the social and economic boycott of Muslims, and routinely target Muslim-owned businesses during episodes of mass violence. (See section on Torture – Non-State Actors.)

Continuing state-led targeting of madrassas

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) issued communications to all provincial-level governments, recommending that state funding to madrassas and madrassa boards be stopped, and that children attending madrassas be enrolled in ‘formal’ schools.

The NCPCR directive—subsequently stayed by the Supreme Court—was only the latest in a series of state-led efforts to target madrassas, which are a crucial avenue of education for Muslim children across the country. In March, the Allahabad High Court had effectively banned Islamic schools in Uttar Pradesh, before the order was stayed by the SC.

In recent years, BJP-governed states, like Assam, have moved to close down all madrassas, with several hundred already ceasing operations.

As referred to throughout previous sections, India’s domestic mechanisms continued to largely fail to ensure accountability for ongoing and previous violations. The judicial process continued to be skewed towards powerful Hindu nationalist interests, and against minorities. Victims and families seeking justice were routinely harassed and intimidated. And even when India’s courts, including the Supreme Court, have attempted to step in, a sense of permissiveness and impunity have continued to prevail among State and non-State actors accused of violations. For instance, recent court directives on curbing the proliferation of hate speech have gone largely unheeded, including during the recent General Election, particularly by public authorities in BJP-governed states.

UP court cites unfounded ‘love jihad’ conspiracy theory while convicting Muslim man of sexual assault

On 1 October 2024, a court in Bareilly (Uttar Pradesh), sentenced a 26-year-old Muslim man to life imprisonment and imposed a fine of ₹1 lakh for allegedly sexually assaulting a 23-year-old Hindu woman.

During the trial, the woman had recanted her accusations, stating she had filed the complaint under pressure from her parents and Hindu nationalist groups. Despite her withdrawal, the judge proceeded with the sentencing, citing ‘love jihad’ as a factor. The judge is reported to have said during a court hearing: ‘The primary aim of ‘love jihad’ is to alter demographics and stir international tensions, driven by radical factions within a religious group. Essentially, it refers to the deceptive conversion of non-Muslim women to Islam through fraudulent marriages.’

While there is no evidence to back up any of these common Hindu nationalist claims, surveys suggest that the theory now finds wide acceptance among India’s Hindus, who also favour legislative action to restrict inter-religious marriages.

Delhi High Court denies bail to British national accused in terrorism case

On 18 September, the Delhi High Court denied bail to Sikh British national Jagtar Singh Johal, in multiple cases filed against him under the UAPA.

Johal has been in the custody of Indian authorities since November 2017, and is accused of involvement in political violence in Punjab, allegedly as an active member of a separatist militant group. Johal’s family has alleged that he was tortured, and forced to sign place pieces of paper and record confessional statements.

In May 2022, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention had found that Johal’s detention was arbitrary, and called for his release.

News report highlights procedural gaps in 2020 Delhi violence bail hearings

An analysis by Scroll, an independent news outlet, highlighted procedural gaps in the bail hearings of Muslim activists and students who have been incarcerated for over four years in connection with the 2020 anti-Muslim targeted mass violence in Delhi.

The report found that the bail applications of eight Muslims accused in the ‘conspiracy’ case have been listed before the Delhi High Court dozens of times, but have not been decided on due to the judges leading the benches hearing the cases being transferred out. The result of this has been the extended incarceration of the accused, in contravention of Supreme Court directives calling for bail applications to be decided expeditiously.

The Delhi riots ‘conspiracy’ case refers to the charge by police authorities that 20 students, activists, and local politicians conspired to organise communal riots that had resulted in 53 deaths in Delhi’s North-East district in February 2020. 18 of the 20 accused in the case are Muslims. Twelve of the accused, all Muslims, remain in jail, charged under the anti-terror Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and other provisions of the penal code.  

First wave of convictions under Uttar Pradesh’s anti-conversion law continues

During the period under review, Uttar Pradesh continued to report convictions of Muslims and Christians under the state’s anti-conversion law, enacted in 2020.

  • On 11 September, a local court in Lucknow sentenced 12 Muslims, including prominent scholars Maulana Kaleem Siddiqui and Umar Gautam, to life imprisonment for their alleged role in unlawful convictions. An additional four persons received ten-year prison terms. The court, in its 264-page verdict, described the convicts’ as being involved in ‘extensive unconventional warfare’ against the Indian state, and as aiming to transform India into a ‘Dar-ul-Islam’ (House of Islam).
  • On 26 September, in a separate case, a local court in Azamgarh convicted three Christians on charges of attempted ‘mass conversion’ of a BJP worker, sentencing them to six years of rigorous imprisonment. The case reportedly relied heavily on the testimony of the BJP worker, with no independent witnesses presented.

In addition to the human rights violations against religious minorities highlighted in previous sections, the Indian government also continued its targeting of journalists, human rights defenders, and civil society organisations. Key developments during the period under review included:

  • On 10 September, Australian filmmaker David Bradbury was detained for over 24 hours by immigration authorities at Chennai airport. Bradbury alleged that he was held back, denied access to consular services, his medication, and basic amenities like a toilet, before being targeted. Bradbudy is known for his documentary that had highlighted authorities’ crackdown against opponents of the Kudankulam Nuclear Plant in 2012.
  • On 6 October, authorities in Uttar Pradesh filed an FIR against prominent fact-checker Mohammad Zubair, after he posted a video highlighting anti-Muslim remarks made by influential Hindu hate preacher Yati Narsinghanand. The FIR was registered after one of Narsinghanand’s aide complained that Zubair’s post aimed to incite violence against the preacher. This is not the first time Zubair has faced legal trouble over his fact-checking – ha had previously been arrested in June 2022.
  • On 7 October, Manipur Police arrested senior journalist Laba Yambem, on charges of criminally intimidating a woman. Yambem is a prominent critic of the leadership of Manipur’s Chief Minister in dealing with the inter-ethnic violence that has rocked the state since May 2023. In September, Yambed had been shot at by unidentified miscreants.
  • On 10 October, journalist Mahesh Langa was arrested by Gujarat Police, over allegations that he is part of a tax evasion nexus. He was subsequently also charged with possessing confidential government documents, with two FIRs filed against him—neither publicly available. Langa had recently published a story a story on the impact of the ban on Russian-origin diamonds on Gujarat’s diamond industry, which some speculate could be a factor behind his detention.
  • On 19 October, anti-mining activist Kartik Naik was arrested in Kashipur (Uttarakhand), allegedly for his involvement in attacks on staff members of a mining company. Naik’s arrest is seen by many as an attempt to curb environmental activism in the area.